Editorial
AI, UNICEF’s Reports On Nigerian Military
Not too long ago, the Nigerian Army and the Federal Government took on the international human rights watchdog, Amnesty International (AI), over its latest report accusing the Nigerian military of sundry crimes against humanity in the course of prosecuting the war against terror in the North-East.
In that report entitled “Harvest of Death: Three Years of Bloody Clashes Between Farmers and Herders”, the organisation alleged that the Buhari-led government’s failure to investigate communal clashes and bring perpetrators to justice has fuelled ‘a bloody escalation” in the conflict between farmers and herders, resulting in, at least, 3,641 deaths in the past three years and the displacement of thousands more, with 57 per cent of the recorded deaths occurring last year.
The AI report claimed that security agencies were often positioned close to where the attacks take place but were slow to act, ignoring prior warnings of imminent raids in some cases. It, therefore, called on the government to ensure thorough, effective and impartial investigation and prosecution of any security agent perpetrating abuses or deliberately ignoring attacks in some states.
The report canvassed that the findings of the investigations be made public, while the government should urgently domesticate the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons in the national laws.
Needless to say, the military did not take the report kindly. Reacting to the report, the Nigerian Army called for the closure of all AI offices in the country, accusing the organisation of working hard to destabilise the country. According to army spokesman, Brigadier-General Sani Usman, AI was attempting to destabilise the country through fabrication of fictitious allegations of human rights abuses against the security agencies.
He accused the organisation of engaging in clandestine sponsorship of dissident groups to stage protests and make unfounded allegations against the leadership of the Nigerian military. On its part, the Federal Government corroborated the position of the military, noting that the AI report had dampened the morale of the officers and men battling terror in the North-East.
To all intents and purposes, The Tide holds that the reaction to the AI’s report is unsatisfactory in the face of recent developments in the North-East. We believe that there is still sufficient reason for a robust investigation of the central claims of the latest report instead of the rather presumptious, angry retort of the military and the Buhari Presidency.
We agree that such reports could have some negative effects on the morale of the hard-fighting men of the military battling to protect the country’s territorial integrity. Nevertheless, the country can ill afford wanton abuses of the rights of law-abiding individuals under the guise of fighting terror.
We say so because if in conventional wars, errors are committed, there is no reason to suppose that the very unconventional war in which the military is engaged in the North-East could be an exception. This is the more reason the allegations by AI should have been thoroughly investigated not only with a view of punishing offenders, but also ensuring that structures are put in place to prevent reocurrence of the trend.
We equally urge the government to respond to the demand by AI that reports of previous probes should be released. The current approach to reports of human rights abuses by AI and other organisations like the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) will do the country no good.
This is against the backdrop that countless bodies, international and local NGOs, journalists, and even the panel of inquiry instituted by the Kaduna State Government to investigate the Army-Shi’ite clash in Zaria in December, 2015 have all indicted the Nigerian Army for extra-judicial killings. The allegations of soldiers killing pro-Biafra protesters were also backed by countless video evidences.
We firmly believe that human rights should be respected at all times regardless of situations and no life should be taken, or if it should, not without the benefit of open and fair trial. The Nigerian Army will do well to learn to carry out its constitutional responsibilities on the basis of respect for the full rights of every individual in the country.
While we await the report on the findings of government, we charge the AI, UNICEF and other organisations to take a step further to also make public specifically detailed murderous activities of terrorists and the effort to contain them.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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