Opinion
Managing Rivers Identity
In a couple of days, precisely May 27, Rivers State will be 50 years. The state was created out of the defunct Eastern Nigeria on May 27, 1967.
By virtue of decree number 14 of 1967, the Federal Military Government of Yakubu Gowon created a 12-state structure to replace the four regions that hitherto constituted Nigeria.
Rivers State, no doubt, was one of the 12-state structure which informed the reason the state is described as one of the first born states.
Be that as it may, the state was not created out of benevolence of the Gowon administration but as a result of age long agitation for common identity of people who share same or similar characteristics and aspirations.
In fact, writing on the state creation movement, Ben Naanen in a book entitled “The Land and People of Rivers State: Eastern Niger Delta”, explained that the struggle for ethnic hegemony in Nigeria, referred to as ethnic nationalism, was linked to the formation of Pan-ethnic unions from the 1920s. He argued further that the ethnic unions transformed from cultural associations to ethnic political movement.
Truly, the emergence of ethnic politics became a source of worry to minority groups including Rivers people and Calabar – Ogoja Rivers State Movement.
The first attempt at the creation of Rivers State was in 1947 when the Rivers Province made up of Ahoada, Brass, Degema and Ogoni with Port Harcourt as the headquarters, was carved out within the Eastern Nigeria.
However, the famous Rivers State Memorandum was presented to the Head of State at the time, Yakubu Gowon, by the Rivers leaders of thought and was signed by S. N. Dikibo, chairman; E.N. Kobani representing Ogoni division; I.J. M. Fiberesima representing Degema division; G.B.C Otoko, Opobo Division and N. Nwonodi for Ahoada and Port Harcourt Division.
It would be recalled that the then Governor of Eastern Region, Chukwuemeka Odumegu Ojukwu had invited a set of leaders of the state movement on September 2, 1996, asking them to give up state creation in support of Biafra project and instead promised them Province of Port Harcourt. This is the reason why political analysts hold the view that Rivers State was created to defeat the Biafra struggle.
Besides, the founding fathers of the state had argued at several fora that the state comprised of a geo-political entity with two types of Rivers salt water with tidal waves that flow back and forward, and fresh water that flows one way, as well as two types of forest; mangrove and normal thick forest including many indigenous languages other than the Igbo language.
It is pertinent to observe that in 1967, upon creation of the state, the first Military Governor, Commander Alfred Diette-Spiff, now Amayanabo of Twon Brass, in partnership with founding fathers , established strategic establishments such as the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation, publishers of the Nigerian Tide, now The Tide, Rivers State Broadcasting Corporation comprising Rivers State Television and Radio Rivers; Rivers State College of Arts and Science that transformed to Rivers State University of Science and Technology and now the Rivers State University.
It is on record that the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation was founded in 1971, while the Rivers State Broadcasting Corporation (RSBC) was established according to Edict No 8 of 1973. While the Rivers State Television began operation in 1974, Radio Rivers under Chief Olu Fubara, launched its signal on NBC inherited AM facility on June 1, 1978.
Mambo Tumbowei signed on the AM station with the call signal, Radio Rivers, while Dafini Gogo-Abbey signed on the Radio Rivers 2 FM on May 2, 1981.
In other words, Radio Rivers 99.1FM will, tomorrow May 2, clock 36 years and it is very crucial to creating favourable identity of the Rivers man. The Tide, RSTV and a host of other public institutions in the state are crucial to the identity project of Rivers State.
For instance, the Rivers State College of Arts and Science has produced many middle level manpower to feed the civil service.
However, while other key institutions of the state have been repositioned for efficient service delivery, the media establishments made up of Radio Rivers, The Tide Newspaper, RSTV and Council for Arts and Culture have not received the desired attention of government over the years. More worrisome is the patronage of private media more than the state media by successive governments.
As the 50th anniversary celebration of Rivers State begins, we should be worried about what will be the image and identity of the Rivers man in the next 50 year and how will it be best projected.
The state government must attach premium to the survival of the state media. Public officials patronizing private media other than the state owned should know that The Tide, Radio Rivers and RSTV have contributed more to the development of the state than the private media. Besides, they should know that no establishment can function better than the attention accorded it by its proprietors.
Rivers Reader Project is another institution that is key to creating favourable identity of Rivers people and therefore requires renewed vigour to promote indigenous languages .
The 50th anniversary celebration of our dear state calls for sober reflection on the history and development of the state. The time to act is now.
Sika is of the Radio Rivers.
Baridorn Sika
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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