Opinion

Between Ohakim And The Opposition

Published

15 years ago

April 8, 2011

In the world of politics, especially in Nigeria where hearsay, very difficult to verify allegations and character assassinations are easily leveled against the sitting governors, mudslinging becomes the order of the day. Some dirty politicians use these tools more often than not to smear their political enemies, simply because they can get away with it without anybody holding them accountable or have legal recourse. Credits are not given to whom it is due, rather innuendos become the principle tool used to propel character assassinations, and more often than not, they stick to peoples’ mind for a very long period of time.

Imo State Governor, Chief Ikedi Ohakim has only been in the office for three and half years. Within this period, he has been accused of, among other things, neglecting the necessities of life such as water, electricity, and roads. They accuse him of raising the school fees for tertiary education to N150, 000 per semester while teachers have not been paid since he took office. Not done, they also accuse Ohakim of closing the only teaching hospital in the state located at Orlu, and not working hard enough to get more security personnel in Imo State, among others.

I am not here to defend or praise Ohakim for all the good and bad things he has done in Imo State during his first tenure in office. After hearing and listening to political enemies making these unfounded accusations, I begin to wonder if the opposition are indeed talking about the same Imo State I have been visiting from the United States consistently for the last 20 years. I will spend some time discussing the first two accusations because they are the main concerns of both people at home and abroad.

Governor Ohakim has relatively done a very good job for the short duration he has been in the office. He has done well in a lot of areas like clean water and environmental sanitation, improving security, transportation, payment of teachers’ salaries, massive road construction projects. He has done all without taking some credits for them. Unbelievably, I am saying this without prejudice. In the last 20 years, I have visited Imo for an average of three times a year, and have had the opportunity to visit a lot of friends from all walks of life in the state. Indeed, Ohakim has given hope to a lot of people in Imo State.

For instance, in Owerri, about five years ago, the roads were as dirty as anyone can imagine. In Whetheral and Douglas Roads, heaps of garbage were so huge that you wonder if there was any government in existence in Imo State. Today, Ohakim has given the long neglected capital of Imo a new look. In the last three and half years, Owerri has gone through transformation and reconstruction that friends from Abia and Anambra States in United States have acquired some residential houses there. These individuals, without knowing who Ohakim is, testify that apart from Abuja, Owerri is the cleanest and most peaceful city in Nigeria. They credit Ohakim with the progress.

Ohakim has created tens and thousands of jobs since he assumed office. Are those jobs enough to benefit every person in Imo State? The answer is no! However, this is an indication that he will do more if re-elected, despite the fact that his opponents have ignored the massive job creation initiatives. In terms of electricity, water and roads, they will never be worse than the previous administration. The governor has promised to continue to improve the lives of Imo people by providing them with basic necessities.

During the last administration, each time I visited home, I used to contribute money to my community for them to have electricity two hours a day. In the last four years, nobody has ever knocked on my door asking for help to pay their electric bills despite the fact that electricity is available far longer than the two hours a day during the Chief Achike Udenwa’s administration. Indeed, the people of Imo deserve better than Udenwa’s reincarnation by voting for Rochas Okorocha.

One thing many politicians have in common is that they talk more than action. However, in case of Ohakim, he has defied the law of gravity in politics, by deciding not to take credit for everything he has done for the people and go about his business of serving the people. For instance, one can hardly hear about the projects undertaken by his government. Ohakim, being a pragmatic governor and a man of action, rather than words, he has decided to implement all projects quietly. Whether this is good politics for the governor knowing that his political enemies might ridicule him as ‘do nothing governor’ is debatable depending on which political isle you are in. Conservative politicians will call his action the quality of good governance and libertarians will say it is politics of self-destruction. You take your pick.

Perhaps, it has taken Ohakim too long to inform the people what he has achieved since he took office barely three and half years ago. By so doing, he has given his enemies the time to define him. The obvious reasons are two folds: If Ohakim decided to make all his projects and other achievements known to the public, this election would not have been a contest, not even talking about being too close. All his opponents, political pundits or sworn enemies, who have not seen anything good that he has done in the state, would find his style disturbing.

These same people tried to convince Ohakim to listen to their agenda on how to loot Imo treasury after their bid to oust him failed through the courts. The pragmatic governor immediately rejected their demands because the people deserve better than what they have seen in the last eight years of the previous administration. As a result, they declared war on Ohakim and his administration. The governor also decided not to make this problem public. At that time, the governor, who emerged under Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), was at the same time trying to make some friends on the other side of the isle so that his agenda could scale through at the Peoples Democratic Party-dominated state House of Assembly. No matter how hard Ohakim tried to reach out to the previous administration, they rewarded him with stupid accusations. Udenwa’s cronies like Araraume and Rochas spent almost two years taking Ohakim to court just to distract his agenda for the people.

None of Ohakim’s detractors has ever told the good people of Imo what they will do if elected. Rather, they have spent their time in character assassinations and mudslinging. They keep throwing all kinds of false accusations, hoping that one of the false accusations will stick in the minds of voters. A case in point is the outright lie that Ohakim has raised school fees in Imo in all tertiary institutions. However, everyone knows that Ohakim would not be foolish enough to raise fees a few months before elections. Another lie is that Ohakim has closed the Imo State Teaching Hospital in Orlu because he is not in good terms with his predecessor, Udenwa.

In fact, his opponents do not have a good message to sell to the people to vote for them. One then begins to wonder if these people are in a state of alter consciousness that they are blindfolded from seeing Ohakim’s accomplishments. Common people, when are you going to drop the idea of the ends justifies the means, and anything goes in politics? It is time to tell the good electorate what your agenda is if you have any plan. Let the opposition stop the politics of division and character assassination!

You cannot blame the governor of neglecting your local government while the individuals you sent to Owerri either through election or by appointment are getting richer. Hold them to account for their stewardship. Indeed, it is the sole responsibility of these individuals to remind the governor about his pledge to their people. Sometimes, they have to broker a deal with their fellow honourable members in the House or state executive council members to bring some projects to their constituencies. It is not a matter of physical fight. It is a matter of politics and lobbying. And it takes smart people to win the hearts of others in politics.

The point I am making is that in the forthcoming elections, the electorate should be bold and wise enough to elect smart, openhearted, sociable and intelligent people as representatives at all levels of governance. That way, the dividends of democracy will be sure to spread to all nooks and crannies of Imo and, by extension, the nation. I do believe that if Ohakim is given a second term, he will make the lives of Imo people better than his predecessors had done. Ohakim deserves to be re-elected so that he will finish his projects!

The same applies to President Goodluck Jonathan. The same accusations are also being leveled against Jonathan by the opposition, some of whom are just empty brains and light papers. I think they need to think again. What new direction will they offer Nigerians? Jonathan is already taking the nation to the right direction. He has done wonderfully well within the short period he has been on the saddle for late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. He has to be given the opportunity to finish the work the joint ticket of Yar’Adua/Jonathan started. Nigerians have to eschew ethnic and religious sentiments, and elect Jonathan to complete the marvelous and transformational projects, which are already making significant impact on Nigeria and Nigerians. This is my take.

Nze Ukaegbu, a retired officer of the United States Army, writes from California, USA.

Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

2 weeks ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”

Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.

Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.

The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.

One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.

In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.

Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.

Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.

Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.

Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.

The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.

On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.

In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.

IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.

By: Ivara Favour Isaac

Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

2 weeks ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”

In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.

They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.

However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.

History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.

For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”

Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it. Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough

. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Bazia EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

3 weeks ago

March 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”

The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’ welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.

Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.

Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.

While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.

Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.

For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.

By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi