Editorial
Tasks Before New Ministers
After virtually two months of eager anticipation, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu unmasked 48 ministerial
nominees, with the majority already screened by the Senate. The list consisted of sundry new faces, together with four erstwhile governors. Tinubu’s sedulous preparations and strategic efforts to procure power should reflect in his selection of ministers, demonstrating his readiness for the grave task of governance.
For a country grappling with political, economic, security, and social crises, including an existential threat, a proficient leader and a formidable cabinet are indispensably ineluctable. Nigeria cogently needs a trenchant leader after enduring eight years of noxious and wishy-washy leadership under Muhammadu Buhari.
Since his inauguration on May 29, Tinubu has arrayed dissentient behaviour. Betokening firmness and valiance in effecting impactful measures to revivify the economy, he promptly terminated the petrol subsidy one month earlier than scheduled. Additionally, he encouraged the Central Bank of Nigeria to synchronise the official and parallel market naira exchange rates.
This ‘audacity’ has been disparaged as both measures have severely impaired businesses, increased poverty rates, and divulged the administration’s lack of preparedness. The deferred appointment of a cabinet also reflects vacillation. It took Buhari six months to name ministers in his first term and two months in his second. Tinubu has followed through the same ambivalent path.
The procrastination in remitting ministerial nominees to the Senate has vitiated his estimation as an unwavering political actor. He failed to meet the constitutional target date of 60 days after his investiture. Moreover, he only offered 48 names, falling short of the requirement to nominate at least one minister from each of the 36 states.
Despite emerging victorious in the presidential election three months before the investiture, it has taken him five months to name only a few members of his cabinet, which resonates poorly on the Buhari era. Again, his commitment to a predominantly technocratic cabinet seems to be whimsical as he lines up political favours. Also, he has failed to consummate his campaign pledge of ensuring a minimum of 35 per cent representation for women.
Tinubu’s incoming ministers can be categorised into three distinct groups. The first group incorporates those who are rewarded for their contributions to his presidential campaign and for securing votes. The second group consists of election losers who are being provided with a political platform to regroup and initiate a second attempt. Lastly, the third is composed of the President’s longstanding political associates in Lagos and throughout the country.
However, there is no repudiating the enormity and exigency of the task ahead, regardless of the category the ministers belong to. We exhort the new ministers to prepare themselves for the undertaking and contribute meaningfully to the administration’s agenda of uplifting Nigerians out of grinding poverty and towards prosperity.
Failure is inexorable if ministers are appointed and sworn in without any targets set by the President. Thus, Tinubu’s precedence should be to establish ministerial targets and carry into effect a robust supervisory and regulatory framework within both the government and the party to guarantee successful outcomes.
Having been nominated and percolated by the Senate, the ministers must envisage the exigency to act swiftly. Governance is no easy task, and with the President having just four years to fulfil his campaign promises, they need to be enthusiastically active. Nigerians expect them to formulate and implement effective policies for industrialisation, human capital development, infrastructure, and a favourable environment for public and private partnerships.
As ministers, their cardinal task is to superintend programmes and projects within their Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) in accordance with government’s objectives. Consequently, they have to ensure that agencies under their supervision engage efficiently, effectively, and with full accountability in carrying out their responsibilities.
Serving with patriotic devotion, refraining from exploiting national assignments for personal emolument or taking advantage of the system are imperative. Instead, they should view these positions as a time to provide support to their country, while adhering to a strict policy of zero tolerance for corruption.
Should there arise any doubt, they can seek professional advice to reach goals. Nigerians require a proactive or passionate government to address the nation’s numerous challenges. As the ministers come on board, they have to button down the fortuity to leave a lasting legacy or risk being remembered negatively. The decision is theirs to effect.
The Petroleum, Education, Defence, and Agriculture Ministries hold out unique challenges. The Petroleum minister should prioritise a stable and affordable fuel supply, while the Education minister owes it to himself to address the ignominious issue of the 12-15 million children currently out of school, which poses a sententious threat to Nigeria’s future and hamstrings the development of a skilled and educated workforce, among others.
Nigeria’s future Defence minister should enhance technological advancements to effectively undertake national security concerns. In addition, bolstering collaboration among the armed forces and other security agencies is vital. Further, the next Agriculture minister needs to knuckle down to tackling fundamental questions that hinder the country’s food security objectives.
Tinubu must not waste any more time. He must muster his determination and work diligently with his ministers. The past two months have been deplorable, but he has to move forward.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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