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SIM Bar And Agony Of Defaulters

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The harmer finally fell last week, when the Minister for Communication and Digital Economy, Issa Pantami ordered Telco’s to bar outgoing calls from all mobile SIM yet to be linked with the National Identity Number (NIN). This order was given in spite of the fact that about119 million mobile lines are yet to be linked, and this figure is 16.7 percent of the 71 million already linked lines. At the last count, the lines of 71 million Nigerians have been blocked.
The Federal Government informed the country that there are now 15,000 NIN enrollment centres across the country, where Nigerians can register for the NIN without stress. However, the tsunami of queues across the country tells a different story entirely. People are virtually sleeping at these enrollment centres; most times coming back home at the close of work. Many close their businesses to enable them to get enrolled, but they lose on both fronts. But this has been the case, even before the April 4th enforcement.
If indeed the FG deployed 15,000 enrollment systems across the country, each state should at least have 405 official centres where residents could go and enroll with ease, and for free. And if adjustments are made for local governments with huge populations, a city like Port Harcourt should have nothing less than 50 centres; while other local government areas share a minimum of 15 enrollment centres. But this is not the case, and untold hardship has been inflicted on Nigerians as a result.
As laudable as this national identity policy is, it is not enough to put millions of Nigerians through the fire at a time when the average Nigerian is gasping for breath under the current economic climate.
Must Nigerians always suffer because the legacy of one man is on the line?
You may recall that in 2019, the FG secured a $433 million loan from the World Bank for the Digital Identity Ecosystem Project (DIESP) to enable Nigeria Identity Management Commission (NIMC), to increase enrollment, extend enrollment coverage across the country, reduce the cost of data collection, increase the speed of delivery and provide digital verification of identity any time and anywhere across the country through a protected channel. Apparently, the deployment of this fund is yet to bear fruit.
Or, is it possible that the deployment of the World Bank loan is hindered by the nonexistence of a Data Protection law? At the moment all we have in the country is only a data protection guideline, referred to  as the National Data Protection Regulation ( NDPR), which is actually a baby of President Buhari’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (NDEPS).
The Nigerian Constitution, under section 37 guarantees the right to data protection; however,  this right remains a mirage in the absence of the requisite legislation.
In 2018, the National Assembly, passed the Nigerian Data Protection Bill to plug this gap, but President Buhari refused assent.
Another effort began in 2020, but after a public hearing in September of the same year, the matter has remained in the cooler of the National Assembly.
From the information available to us, it is clear that the intention of the DIESP is to connect all points that house the bio-data of Nigerians and legal residents, including BVN, telephone numbers, International Passports and even the voter’s card; creating a behemoth data grid that is supposed to make life easier. But Nigerians of all strata are apprehensive of the consequences of any security breach; especially given that nobody takes responsibility for anything in this country. The recent dirty fuel saga is a case in point.
A lot of experts have fervently argued the currency and crude oil of the twenty first century is data; and as a result, most governments, even in Africa have passed data protection laws that have given legal backing to their Data Protection Agencies (DPA).
Recently, in Nigeria, President Buhari established the Nigerian Data Protection Bureau (NDPB), but where are the data protection laws?  How will it function?
Early this year a report from the Federal Investigation Bureau ranked Nigeria among the top 16 countries plagued by cybercrime. Meanwhile, the EFCC has also claimed that out of its 978 convictions, 80 percent have been connected to cybercrime. If this is indeed a fact, how do you sleep, knowing all you have worked for could be taken by a faceless hacker? Again, what is the guarantee that your data would be available when required, considering that the NIMC portal was offline for up to eight days in February.
In the past, President Buhari’s government has been accused of shielding sponsors of Boko Haram; and as it stands, the fact that they are unable to reveal these masterminds have given credence to this idea.
But one of the cardinal reasons for pushing this policy is to fight insecurity and terrorism. If this is true, are we now to believe that the ongoing massacre and national embarrassment in Kaduna, the Airport, and the train attack resulted from the unlinked mobile lines? Apparently, this is not true. In fact, news has it people were aware of the attack before it happened.
This is our country, therefore we must do everything possible to foster the success of every genuine and people-centred policy. But the government is obligated to do the right thing. Necessary laws must be in place to drive policies of this nature. International best practices must be followed, even as we adjust to fit our uniqueness. The rollout of this policy has not been so. People are suffering, and nobody would be held accountable as usual.
In the past week, millions of Nigerians who hitherto have linked their mobile lines to their NIN have been greatly disenfranchised. Many lost businesses, some were unable to process international passports, yet some of our senior citizens were unable to access their pensions. Who will pay for this? Would the apologies from a Telco like MTN suffice, or from any other Telco that matter?
Currently, NIMC, houses its data in only one data centre, and from what we have learned, the data blackout suffered by NIMC was a result of the downtime of Galaxy Backbone, also owned by the federal government. How does this make sense for a nation of more than 200 million; bearing in mind that the data provides a superhighway on which the economy runs? Even though the government is succeeding in squeezing everyone through a firehose, the truth remains that the data of Nigerians are not safe; and if anything happens, there is currently no legal framework to seek redress, and unless this is done, Nigerians would continue to view this policy with suspicion.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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