Opinion
Menace Of Vote Buying In Nigeria
For me, the high point of the just-concluded Anambra State governorship election was the rejection of money by some women, allegedly offered for their votes. These women were seen in a video clip telling the politicians and party agents of a certain political party to go with their money, that they did not want the party because it had dealt with them.
For several years, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the media and many other bodies have carried out voter education, enlightenment and sensitisation campaigns on the dangers of vote buying and vote selling and the need for the electorate not to sell their votes to desperate politicians,
Putting the issue of money politics in Nigeria succinctly, Oupa Lucky of University of South Africa, in an article titled, ‘Money Politics and Vote Buying in Nigeria: the Bane of Good Governance,’ said, “Obviously in Nigeria, money politics and Vote Buying have taken the centre stage in our political activities. This is because parties and candidates have shown, by their conduct during political campaigns, that good party manifestos and integrity of candidates jostling for public offices are no longer sufficient to guarantee electoral success. Thus, the resort to vote-buying. On the other hand, the voters also have obviously demonstrated cynical electoral behaviour by the readiness to sell their votes to the highest bidder.”
So for these rural, not-rich-looking women to have refused to sell their votes for some Naira notes even when they could have collected the money and gone ahead to cast their votes for their preferred candidates, as many do, shows that the voter education exercises are yielding good results. This significant, laudable act of Ebenebe women in Awka shows that Nigerian voters are wiser and better informed today than they were some years back, and that is a sign of better days ahead for the country.
Some people have argued that this is just an isolated case; that thousands of voters before and during that same election collected money and other items from politicians and that must have helped to sway their votes towards some contestants. But let us not forget that a journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step. All the revolutions that happened in history were never initiated or carried out by the generality of the people. Many times, only a handful of people engineered it.
These Awka women have shown that a complete revolution is possible without guns, bloodshed or battle. They have shown that we can create a better society and choose our desired leaders by using our votes wisely. As the saying goes, the power and the will are in the hands of the masses. The 2023 General Elections are around the corner, are we going to see the electorate who will toe the line of these women and refuse to sell their mandates for whatever form of inducement and insist on giving their votes to people who will bring the much desired change in the country? Are we going to see electorate who can bluntly and fearlessly tell their representatives at whatever level, who have not performed well that, “we don’t want you, you have not been good to us and go ahead and vote for better candidates, even if they have no money to share?
Is it possible to see Nigerian youth during future elections in the country, refuse to be used as thugs, killers and so on by disheartened, selfish and greedy politicians who shield their children from danger and expose the children of the poor? The women of Ebenebe have shown Nigerians, particularly the youth the way to go, so they will have a better country tomorrow. It is high time every Nigerian knew and stood for their rights.
However, the citizens’ efforts towards stamping out the criminal act of vote buying may not produce the needed result if actions are not taken by the authorities against those who commit the crime.  Article 130 of the Electoral Act 2010, as amended, states that: A person who — (a) corruptly by himself or by any other person at any time after the date of an election has been announced, directly or indirectly gives or provides or pays money to or for any person for the purpose of corruptly influencing that person or any other person to vote or refrain from voting at such election, or on account of such person or any other person having voted or refrained from voting at such election; or (b) being a voter, corruptly accepts or takes money or any other inducement during any of the period stated in paragraph (a) of this section, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a fine of N100,000 or 12 months imprisonment or both.
Similarly, Section VIII (e) of the 2018 Revised Code of Conduct for Political Parties in section provides that, “… all political parties and their agents shall not engage in the following practice: buying of votes or offer any bribe, gift, reward, gratification or any other monetary or material considerations or allurement to voters and electoral officials”.
Incidentally, despite all these provisions, vote buying continues to thrive in Nigeria without any action being seen to be taken against the perpetrators, including the persons directly involved in the act and their sponsors.
In the Ebenebe women’s video under review, a police officer was seen at the scene but he did not arrest the two young men with bundles of money for sharing.  We cannot continue to have a country where laws are churned out every day by both federal and state legislators aimed at checking the ills in the society but they are hardly implemented. Some of the perpetrators of this crime must be arrested and prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others.  
By: Calista Ezeaku
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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