Opinion
Securing The Federating Units
The current level of insecurity in Nigeria appears to have defied all security architecture put in place at various levels of government. However, critical commentators argue that the problem with security in Nigeria does not lie with the policy thrusts, but with the implementation and operational capacity of operatives as well as investments in logistics. This is food for thought.
Insecurity in itself has become a huge monster that has pushed various state governments to dabble into emergency security plans. Every security architecture experts say must have the capacity and scope to respond to and confront specific security situations. No such thing as general security. The Federal Government of Nigeria exclusively enjoys the control of the Armed Forces, Police and strategic paramilitary apparatus, such as Immigration, Customs, Nigeria Civil Defence Corps, FRSC, etc.
The military structure is constitutionally empowered to defend the territorial integrity of Nigeria. The military is expected to confront and combat any act of terror or violent intrusion into the Nigerian territory as well as secessionist uprisings.
The police and the Nigeria Civil Defense Corp are empowered to enforce orderly conduct within the polity as well as confront and combat all forms of criminality.
The police have also joined the Army in Joint Task Force operations and fight against terrorism, banditry and kidnapping. Recent developments in the country, however, indicate that both the Army and Police have been overwhelmed by the ravaging security issues in the country.
The various states of the federation are at the receiving end. The states and their various grossroots have suffered different forms of security challenges that are better handled by home grown security state operations.
The police are no longer invincible. The sad realities of operating in unfamiliar environments have reduced them to under performers and many leakages dot their operations, making the people they are expected to protect more vulnerable. The local populations in some states especially in the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria have begun to doubt the capacity of the police and even the Army to protect them against the murderous herdsmen, unknown gun men, kidnappers, cultist-related violence, etc. Ethno religious bias appear to have been affecting the sincerity of purpose of federal security operatives posted to the states. Many political activists and politically exposed persons have been calling for state police for these reasons. In the absence of state police, some state governments have fashioned their own security operatives to protect their vulnerable populations. There is Hisba in Kano, Amotakun in the South West,Civilian JTF in the North East and Ebube Agu in the South East.
These are attempts to fill the gap created by the absence of the state police. The Rivers State Government under the leadership of Governor Nyesom Wike has remained a trail blazer in this quest to make the state more secure by providing alternative security infrastructure. The NEW Rivers Vision recognises the place of security in development. The state government in 2018 through the State House of Assembly Law Number 8 of the 2018 established the state Neighbourhood Safety Corps Agency to address the growing security challenges in the state.
The agency was inaugurated on April 16, 2018 but was scuttled by uninformed security operatives who invaded their training camp. This ugly scenario triggered off litigations which the state government won.
Happily, the Rivers State Neighbourhood Safety Corps Agency resumed operations on the first day of March, 2021, with operatives posted to the 23 local government areas of the state. The objectives of the agency include gathering of intelligence, and sharing intelligence with law enforcement agencies, arresting of suspects where necessary and handing them over the police.
The Director General of the agency, Dr. Uche Mike Chukwuma said RIVNESCA also carries out crowd control duties at designated public events. These functions pose monumental challenges but CATALOGUE suggests that RIVNESCA can be put into more use in the security architecture of Rivers State.
Many public infrastructures in the state have been exposed to thefts and vandalism. Many schools, hospitals and health centres have been literally destroyed, looted and even deroofed by unpatriotic elements. It is sad that while government is making efforts to address the infrastructural deficit in the state, the fifth columnists are busy destroying them.
RIVNESCA operatives should be mobilised to defend and protect public infrastructures and institutions. They should be used to police all public institutions, supervise security of schools, hospitals, M.D.As outside the state secretariat as well as road infrastructures which usually are the targets of some depraved elements.
These additional responsibilities will surely pose more challenges in the areas of funding, logistics and manpower. Government should strengthen RIVNESCA by recruiting more hands and re-strategise their operations to make them more productive and justify their establishment. Another implication of re-organising RIVNESCA is the need to create special units to address the specific roles. At the right time, the Agency through proper legal frame work can be empowered to carry light arms and ammunition.
By: Bon Woke
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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