Opinion
Barbaric Act Called Circumcision
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) as defined by the World Health Organisation (WHO) includes all procedures which involve partial or total removal of the external female genital organs, whether for cultural or any other non therapeutic reasons.
FGM is of four types namely clitoridectomy which is type 1, type 11 or sunna, type 111 which is the infibulations and type iv.
Type 1 or the clitoridectomy involves the removal of the prepuce/hood of the clitoris and all or part of the clitoris. Here in Nigeria, this involves the cutting of only a part of the clitoris. It is predominant in the southern part of the country.
The sunna i.e type II involves the total removal of the clitoris along with partial or total cutting of the labia minora. The type 111 which is the infibulation is the most severe form of the FGM. It involves the removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and the stitching of the vaginal orifice, leaving an opening which may be the size of a pin head to allow for menstrual flow or urine.
The last type which is the type iv, includes activities such as introcision and gishiri cuts, pricking, piercing or incision of the clitoris and labia, scraping or cutting of the vagina (angrya cuts). More of this type are stretching of the clitoris and or labia, cauterization, the introduction of corrosive substances and herbs in the vagina and other forms.
FGM continues to trend in the country and the world at large despite past and ongoing efforts by various organisations in the world to end the barbaric act. Extreme forms of FGM such as the type II, III and IV are practiced in the northern part of Nigeria. But it is quite horrible that there is still no federal law in place banning FGM in Nigeria.
One prominent reason as to why FGM is practiced is a superstitious belief that such act preserves chastity, protect virginity and prevents promiscuity. There is also the erroneous notion that FGM will uphold family honour, ensure hygiene, counter failure of woman to attain orgasm, increase sexual pleasure of both partners and enhance fertility etc.
Those who indulge in this act are, however, ignorant of the horrible effects arising from FGM such as shock from pain and hemorrhage, infection, acute urinary retention emanating from trauma; damage to the urethra or anus during circumcision.
Other complications and effects include chronic pelvic infection, acquired gynastresia resulting in hematocolopos, vulval adhesions, dysmenorrhea, retention cysts and sexual difficulties with an orgasm, implantation demoid cysts and keloids and sexual dysfunction.
In view of these negative effects, it is imperative that the Federal Government institutes a legislation that will outrightly ban this harmful practice in the country.
Besides, it is high time Nigerian parents accepted the truth that female circumcision is not safe. The practice has no traditional relevance or value in the 21st century Nigeria. It is inhuman to subject our female children to such horrible torture and experience in the name of a custom or belief that has no scientific proof.
Everyone, therefore, needs to join hands with WHO and other organisations that say No to FGM. If we must save the future generation of our women, we must rise against this harmful practice called female circumcision. And the earlier we put an end to this act, the better for our society.
Uche wrote in from Federal Polytechnic, Nekede, Imo State.
Genevieve Uche
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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