Opinion
Let Us Imbibe IBB’s Idea
Inasmuch as  a demo
cratic system of governance demands for freedom of expression, assembly and association as enshrined in sections 39 and 40 of the amended 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN), caution needs to be exercised in terms of formation and/or establishment of political parties which may  either negatively or positively affect national  development. Frankly speaking, multiple political  parties would not play effective role in the face of human and infrastructural development.
Obviously, most of the political organizations were created by power drunk, greedy and egocentric political stalwarts to defraud the economy of the nation to the detriment of the less-privilege in  the society. It would be a wise effort to take a cue from pre-independence  era and during the abortive Third Republic when two-party system was operational.
In 1953, two political parties were on ground, that is National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (alias NCNC), championed by the late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (Zik of Africa) who contested on that platform and the Action Group (AG) led by late  Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was  out to protect the interest of the Western Region of Nigeria. During the First Republic i.e. from 1960 to 1966, 21 political parties were established, Borno Youth  Movement  (BYM); Democratic Party of Nigeria and Cameroon (DPNC); Dynamic Party (DP); Niger Delta Congress (NDC); Republican Party (PR), Zamfara Cameroon  Party (ZCP), Northern Progressive Front (NPF), Action Group (AG), Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), just to mention but few.
Between 1964 and 1979 when the Second Republic came on board, six political parties were formed and registered to campaign for elections. The parties were: National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) Greater Nigerian People’s Party (GNPP), Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Nigeria Advance Party (NAP) and People’s  Redemption Party (PRP).
Amongst these lots, it was only NPN that produced the President of the nation in the person of Alhaji Shehu Shagari.  Five political parties emerged during the Third Republic under a military junta which were Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM), United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP), National Conscience Party (Party (NCP), etc.
Then between 1985 and 1993, General  Ibrahim  Badamosi Babangida (rtd) became innovative as he restructured the political organizations into two-party system. The two parties were Northern Republican  Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) respectively. Alhaji Bashir Tofa was the presidential candidate of the NRC while   Late Moshood M.K.O. Abiola took the  mantle of SDP. This was a welcome development in the political world. The Presidential elections went on smoothly and successfully on June 12,1993 which was later annulled by IBB because NRC candidate did not succeed as purported.  Between  1996 and 1998 six  political parties were also formed viz: Committee of National Consensus (CNC); Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN), Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM), National  Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) and Justice Party (JP).
In preparation for a new dawn of democratic governance  come1999, another 23 political parties were formed but later pruned to only six,  they were:  People Democratic Party (PDP), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Progressive  Grand Alliance (APGA), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and All Progressive Congress (APC).
According to Professor  Elo Amucheazi in his convocation lecture entitled  the problem  of party politics in Nigeria at the 25th Convocation Ceremony of Rivers State University of Science and Technology, Port Harcourt, on 27th April, 2013, most of the political  parties were ethnically and regionally focused and not for the general interest of the entire citizenry.
He said ACN was southwest political  party which identified with the Yoruba  ethnic group. APGA identified with the Igbo enclave, ANPP and CPC are identified more with the Moslems of Hausa/Fulani and Shuwa Arabs Kanuri Of  Northwestern and Northereastern parts of Nigeria. That  the PDP which is  fairly widespread, still has its identity with  South-South, South-East, North Central  and non-Hausa /Fulani population of Northwest.
Even the United States of America  that operate a parliamentary system of government does not have multiple political parties. Although  Babangida’s two-political party system  in 1993 failed, the initiative, however, was laudable.
The truth is that there are too many  political parties in Nigeria. You can imagine  how this affects the economy. No wonder greater percentage of Nigerians are working as elephants but eat like ants in a country blessed with many natural resources.
Let us emulate General Babangida’s two-party system. It is a laudable initiative.
If IBB’s idea is imbibed by the present administration,  it will save Nigerians from the current economic meltdown and achieve the aims and objectives of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for adequate and appropriate national development.
I call on the National Assembly to pass a legislation pegging the number of political  parties to  only two  or even to a maximum of three. If this is not done, time shall come  when every association would metamorphose  into a political party. This will never serve our interest as a nation operate like cult groups.
Ominyanwa is a public affairs analyst
Goddey Ominyanwa
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														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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