Opinion
Before Our Beloeved Country Deteriorates
Paul Akan Obi
Once again, the occasional muscle flexing between the Federal Government and Lagos State over the 37 local government development areas has brought to the front burner the sustainability of our quasi-federalism as well as erect a signpost of a collapsing structure. In fact, analysts and legal luminaries have even jumped into semantics in order to decipher the meaning of the contentious words and phrases like “shall”, “ratification”, “inchoate” and “consequent” found in the 1999 constitution; words that have also become a lacuna to the constitution both in its interpretation and implementation.
  Beyond the nerves raised by their Excellencies on this issue, it also depicts the impending consequences that have been hanging in the balance based on the voodoo constitution, with a cooked-up intro of “we the people” – a constitution whose drafters have continuously refused to own it up because of its poor nature. Whether we accept it or not, the 1999 constitution remains an albatross to the smooth operation of true federalism. And until we amend the lapses therein, no preachment will do magic in terms of taking Nigeria from a state of nadir and wanton failure she has found herself.
  Still, spending time to argue, both as proponents or opponents of the actions of Lagos State government on the creation of the new local councils is a waste of ink and energy. Because, that constitution is nothing more than a pot of confusion-it contradicts and confuses itself here and there with reckless abandon. You will recall that Cross River State has been rendered bankrupt by a fictitious interpretation of our constitution amid slow pace of presidential intervention. So, the solution is not about throwing misiles, but sorting out the way to save Nigeria before she self-destructs.
When you x-ray the various provisions of the 1999 constitution, it becomes glaring that there is and was a desperate move to stagnate the country. These days, it has become increasingly worrisome when you see elders argue and take stands in the area of Nigeria’s existence and constitutionalism, which runs contrary to a Boki proverb that says “an elder does not seat in a place while palm nut burns in the fire”.
 Going down memory lane since the advent of democracy in 1999, there is hardly any action that has been taken by any tier of government that has not been challenged in the Law Court. From the introduction of Sharia, resource control, joint states’ accounts, decamping, political parties’ primaries to the metamorphosed local government palaver; these are signs of a nation adrift.  The captains of the Nigerian ship appears to be doing more harm than rescuing the nation. With the antics of the political class, there is no light yet at the end of the tunnel to suggest that we are prepared for serious business of governance.
Whether it is Boko Haram, Niger Delta militants, OPC, Halliburton (now buried), a mountainous pile of election cases, ASUU strike where government often backslides from agreement signed or an Obama’s refusal to visit Nigeria, it is deeply rooted in our law books. Vividly, our constitution lacks order. And since “order is heaven’s first”, it (order) will continue to elude us until something urgent and drastic is done. Otherwise, we will keep moving from post to post enwrapped with conflicts and limitations. Notwithstanding the innuendos of rule of law, without a resolute mind disposes to positive changes, specifically constitutional amendment, this country will be doomed to perpetual retardation.
Yet, the gory story about the contemporary post-democratic Nigeria lies in the organised and well orchestrated lukewarm attitude and laxity towards  the reform of the polity on the part of the executive and legislature. What is obvious is that these tactics cannot be isolated from the deliberate intention of both the occupants of the Presidency and National Assembly. While they double-speak, sugar-coat the sordid deeds of the ruling class and rebrand the unrebrandable, time is ticking out, with a crippling danger. As much as they would keep dancing to the muddy tunes of poet-sycophants, who are likely to paint white black for the sake of penny, a sane voice is calling for their repentance, to address Nigeria’s problems squarely, urgently and with sincerity of purpose.
 Obi wrote in from  Abuja
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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