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Task Before NDDC, Stakeholders

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13 years ago

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Fast-tracking development in the Niger Delta is not only desirable, it is imperative for the sustainable peace that would ensure the continued exploitation of the oil and gas resources that constitute over 90 per cent of Nigeria’s export earnings. This must have spurred the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to introduce the amnesty programme, which to a large extent, has calmed the hitherto restive youths of the oil-bearing region.

The challenge now is to sustain the gains of the amnesty programme by embarking on tangible development projects that would positively change the lives of the people. That would also enlist them as vanguards for the protection of oil installations and vulnerable pipelines crisscrossing the Niger Delta. Even now, the oil industry is being threatened by the activities of criminals who seem to have taken over from where the militants left off.

According to Engineer Austen Oniwon, the Group Managing Director of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), thieves are stealing about 180,000 barrels worth of crude oil every day from pipelines and through illegal bunkering in the Niger Delta. So, as it is, high-profile criminals have taken over illegal oil trading activities from militants who hitherto engaged in such acts. Counting the cost in monetary terms, Mr. Mutiu Sunmonu, the Managing Director, Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited, said that the country is losing $5bn (N780bn) annually to the oil thieves.

Thanks to the amnesty programme, the oil thieves can now be distinguished from the militants, who were genuinely agitating for a fair deal from the federal government. This is why no effort should be spared in ensuring that the fruits of the official pardon are fully enjoyed by the people who bear the brunt of oil exploration and exploitation.

In order to make things happen as quickly as expected, the development agencies, such as the oil companies, the federal, state, local governments, the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), must collaborate at different levels and key into the regional development Master Plan already approved by the central government.

The NDDC which facilitated the production of the Niger Delta Regional Development Master Plan is well placed to drive the process of its implementation. So far, the commission has been making efforts to build enduring partnerships and embarking on targeted engagements with strategic stakeholders.

Recently, the Presidential Monitoring Committee on NDDC held an interactive session with stakeholders in the region where it was agreed that the commission would focus more on completing all on-going projects awarded since its inception. The commission has commenced an audit of ongoing projects across the region to enable it identify the status of such projects in order to prioritise their completion based on available resources.

Dr. Christian Oboh, the Managing Director of the NDDC, said the commission had reviewed its budgetary system to put all existing projects on the top priority list. “A lot of projects have been awarded since the establishment of the NDDC; we intend to focus on the completion of the projects. Partnership is the new road map that the commission has adopted in project implementation across the states of the Niger Delta”, he said.

Dr. Oboh said that with the re-activation of the Advisory Committee of the NDDC, which comprises the governors of oil-bearing states and the principal officers of the commission, it would now be easier for them to interface directly on project planning and implementation. This is the driving force behind the joint effort of the NDDC, Akwa Ibom State Government and Mobil Producing Nigeria Ltd in the quest to complete the Eket-Ibeno Road. The 18 kilometre dual carriage way, with two bridges, is being constructed at the cost of N8.2 billion.

Obviously, pleased by the team effort, the Akwa Ibom State Governor, Godswill Akpabio eagerly joined the chief executive officers of NDDC and Mobil to inspect the road project to work out the best way to deliver it on schedule. The governor said that the road was strategic to the operations of Mobil and as such was very important to the state. He was confident that the NDDC, having teamed up with the state government and Mobil, would deliver quality projects. “With the interaction we have had, there is hope for the Niger Delta. The MD of NDDC has shown focus, passion and commitment. For me, this is a turning point”, he said.

Such high profile partnership is the way forward for a region that is yearning for rapid development. The NDDC has always joined forces with key stakeholders in confronting the enormous challenge of making a difference in the lives of the people in the remote communities of the Niger Delta. One of such collaborations is in the construction of the 29 kilometre Ogbia-Nembe road, which it is undetaking in partnership with the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC).

The N9.6 billion project illustrates the kind of challenges confronting the Niger Delta. it cuts through the swamps with ten bridges and 99 culverts. The terrain is such that four metres of clay soil has to be dug out and then sand-filled to provide a base for the road. It shouldn’t surprise anyone therefore to learn that constructing a road in this tough environment costs twice or thrice of what is required in other parts of the country. This is a project several previous administrations thought was impossible. Now work on the road is progressing appreciably.

This is just one of the many mega projects being executed by the interventionist agency with the limited funds at its disposal. Without doubt, the NDDC needs to be adequately funded to enable it deliver on its mandate. All the key stakeholders, which include the Niger Delta Ministry, three tiers of government and the oil companies, have a responsibility to collaborate with the NDDC as the agency driving the implementation of the Regional Development Master Plan.

The master plan, which has been generally applauded as a worthy compass for the development of the region, needs to be adequately funded and meticulously implemented in order to translate the lofty plans into tangible projects and programmes. The big ticket projects articulated in the plan require enormous resources to execute.

Unfortunately, the federal government which is supposed to lead the way in ensuring adequate funding for the commission for many years under the Olusegun Obasanjo administration failed to meet the statutory obligations to the commission. For many years, the interventionist agency was getting only 10 per cent from it instead of the statutory 15 per cent. This resulted in the much-talked about N500 billion debt that the federal government is owing the commission.

The NDDC Act states clearly how the commission shall be funded. Section 14(2) provides that “there shall be paid and credited to the fund established pursuant to subsection (1) of this section; (a) from the federal government the equivalent of 15 per cent of the total monthly allocation due to the member states of the commission from the federation account, the being the contribution of the federal government to the commission; (b) three per cent of the total annual budget of any oil-producing company operating onshore and offshore in the Niger Delta area, including gas processing companies; (c) 50 per cent of monies due to member states of the commission from the ecological fund” and other sources such as grants and loans.

Apart from the federal government which did not comply with the provisions of the Act during the Obasanjo years, some of the oil companies have also not been paying the three per cent of their annual budget as required by law. Records show that they deduct first charges before calculating the three per cent from the balance. It is more like cutting the nose to spite the face, given that what they spend for the development of the Niger Delta is for their own good at the end of the day.

Given the enormous impact of their activties on the environment, the oil companies are expected to be at the forefornt in the critical task of remediating, and indeed the comprehensive development of the oil basin that has suffered so much neglect in the past. it is, in fact, in their interest to develop the region where they operate in order to guarantee peace, which is very necesary for them to continue with their business.

Recently, the Petroleum Resources Minister, Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke, blamed International Oil Companies (IOCs) for the underdevelopment of Nigeria’s economy. She said that some decisions taken by the oil firms had resulted in a loss of over $300 billion to government  coffers. The minister alleged various acts by foregin oil firms that showed intent to “generate their own revenue without paying attention to actions that add value to the over all Nigerian economy”.

The oil companies should embrace global best practices in the execution of their business in the Niger Delta. Ultimately, this will enhance their profile and expedite the development process of our country.

Ifeatu resides in Port Harcourt.

 

Ifeatu Agbu

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Opinion

Ndifon’s  Verdict and University Power Reform

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6 days ago

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November 24, 2025

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Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”
The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.
Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.
This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.
Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.
Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.
Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

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6 days ago

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November 24, 2025

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Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”
In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.
According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?
Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.
President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.
While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.
 Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.
Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.
It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.
By: Joseph Nwankwor
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Opinion

The Girl Who Didn’t Dance 

Published

2 weeks ago

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November 19, 2025

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Quote:”
This piece is, primarily, the story of the girl who refused to dance during my first public performance as a pop musician. The event was the birthday party of Okechukwu Ogbowu at the residence of Chief Moses Nma Ogbowu at Omoku in February 1968. Secondarily, it is the story of a group of Ogba/Egbema youths who the chiefs considered rebellious and should, therefore, be watched very carefully.  These two anecdotes are woven together by the story of my foray into music as a career in my youth. In 1958, I went on holidays to the home of my uncle Eze JNA Nwachuku at Ahoada. There, I heard a very strange music that tickled my preteen fancy to the point I started singing it using words I made up; I was eight. Back to Alinso Okeanu (Beach) after the holidays, the kids in the cosmopolitan community were wowed by my air and swag while singing the very strange song.
Years later, I learned the real words of the jazz classic “Hit the Road Jack” by Ray Charles. At fifteen, I was arraigned before a juvenile court in Omoku for singing a love song that contained the word “kiss” to the princess of Ogbaland at Ahia Orie market square; though discharged and acquitted, I was bound over to be of good behavior for six months. At sixteen, I got de-robed from the choir of St. Michael’s Church, Omoku for buying a guitar and audaciously changing my name from Enoch. At seventeen, I had my debut at Okechukwu’s birthday party where the girl, who is the primary focus of this piece, did not dance.  During the party. I performed three songs: (1) “All My Loving” by The Beatles, which was the song that took me to the juvenile court, (2) “Midnight Hour” by Wilson “Wicked” Pickett and (3) “Please Don’t Tease” by Cliff Richard.
These songs are laden with amorous innuendos and have the words “kiss” and “love”, which were considered sacrilegious in those days. The veiled explicitness of Wicked Pickett’s lyricism didn’t help matters either; it added to the excitement, which became more palpable and the connection between crowd and artiste grew more profound, when Innocent Masi (now Dr. IA Masi mni) placed a five shillings note on my forehead. Everyone at the party virtually summersaulted on the dance floor, which was the interior balcony of Ogbowu’s house, the most beautiful house in Omoku then.  The next day, the chiefs held an emergency meeting at the home of Chief S.O. Masi who was Commissioner of Onitsha Province during the First Republic; that province is now Anambra State. The single item on the agenda was the worrisome activities of the youths.
At the end of the meeting, a chief, whose name and the first book of the Gospels would tango smoothly to the rhythms and rhymes of poetry, threatened to shoot me if he ever saw me near his house with my jita. I perfectly understood his predicament; he had many pretty daughters. Poor fellow, unbeknownst to him, I was yet to know the difference between the birds and the bees.  The next evening, Monday Wokocha (late Professor Addison), Gary Omo-Odi and I dared the chief in a daredevil episode that belongs in another narrative. He shot…in the air. That day, my parents seized my guitar and grounded me. Subsequently, my uncle Nwachuku whisked me off to Port Harcourt. Back to the party; yes, everyone at the party virtually summersaulted except a girl from Obite who didn’t step on the dance floor. She was slim, beautiful and quite tall for girls (even for boys) of that era; so, she stood very elegant.
Beyond the call-response greetings that characterize the socio-culture of the people of Ogba and Egbema, she was almost taciturn; she was shy and rarely spoke except when spoken to. However, she had a smile that lit up the environment as it contrasted with her ebony skin that glowed with the radiance of youth. I think Kamala Harris placed an order for that specific smile from the warehouse of the Divine on her way to this dimension. The girl who didn’t dance was Ngozi Elemele; daughter of Chief Samuel Elemele, a devout Christian, business man and highly patriotic Ogba man from Obite. Ngozi’s refusal (or was it inability?) to dance made us tease her that she has “two left legs” hence she couldn’t move them to the pulsating and compulsive  rhythm of pop music. She just kept on smiling and that was an impregnable armor against our social arrows.
That calmness under relentless peer pressure earned her the moniker “Nwanjinwa” (Girl Nextdoor) amongst us; it contrasted with “Okoronwangbogbo”(prodigal son), which the vicar at St. Michael’s tagged me as he de-robed me from the choir. Those were the heady days of our lives.  In 2024, a social commentator subjected the youths of Ogba/Egbema of that era to a critique. He observed that, irrespective of their youthful exuberance with a dose of mischief, that generation of Ogba/Egbema youths effectively took advantage of the ample educational opportunities provided by government immediately after the civil war. Also, he noted that that party produced four medical doctors, two lawyers, one architect, two general managers of parastatals, two chairmen of local government, three permanent secretaries, one head of service, three professors, and a deputy governor.
Concluding  the analysis, the critic held that while many in the group held more than one position in the categorization, Ngozi Elemele, the girl who didn’t dance, held more top level public positions than the rest. She was Permanent Secretary, Commissioner, became Professor and is now Deputy Governor. Today, the Obite girl who didn’t dance at the party in 1968 is gracefully and elegantly waltzing at the center stage of Rivers State politics as Her Excellency, Prof Mrs. Ngozi Nma Odu DSSRS, the Deputy Governor of Rivers State. Her excellent performance in public office is a product of decades of fierce focus on the future, dedication and devotion to duty, resolute resilience, humility and simplicity; years spent climbing the arduous ladder of mainstream bureaucracy from Grade Level 08 to the apex of the pyramid, serving as Commissioner and thereafter venturing into the intellectually challenging trajectory of academics and also peaking at the apex of professorship and, eventually, clenching the coveted position of Deputy Governor of Rivers State.
  Naturally, I was very delighted and humbled by the honor and privilege of being chairman of the occasion where Akabuka Community honored Her Excellency with a grand reception on October 25, 2025. It was very gratifying that her boss, His Excellency Sir Siminalaye Fubara GSSRS, supportively graced the occasion as Special Guest of Honor, a reflection of humility and simplicity in high profile office, which is uncommon in our society.   Who says focus, determination, drive and hard work do not pay? They did then; they do now and they always will. Are the youths of today listening? “He that hath ears to hear, let him hear” (Matthew 11:15).
 Akparikolamo!!!
By: Jason Osai
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