Editorial
Edugate: Intensifying Anti-Graft War
The prompt order issued by President Bola Tinubu to Nigeria’s anti-graft agencies for a comprehensive investigation into the financial operations of the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation is not only commendable but a much-needed step towards tackling the systemic corruption prevailing in the nation. The resultant suspension of its minister, Dr Betta Edu, further signifies the gravity of the issue and the commitment towards rectifying it.
However, the scandal has evoked an underlying decadence that seeped deeply into the country’s socio-political fabric, demanding far more than sporadic actions to deal with isolated incidents. The President should seize the opportunity presented by the uproar arising from the opprobrium to instigate a full-scale anti-corruption crusade. He should conduct a thorough scrutiny of every government department and their financial affairs.
Edu reportedly directed the Accountant-General of the Federation, Oluwatoyin Madein, to execute a transfer of N585million to a private account. This account allegedly belongs to Bridget Oniyelu Mojisola, purportedly identified as the Project Accountant for Grants for Vulnerable Groups by the ministry. The matter took a new turn when Madein said she declined Edu’s request, citing the regulation that public money cannot be paid into private accounts.
The suspended minister was implicated in yet another leaked memorandum for allegedly authorising N72million to her aides as part of the 2023 grant for the vulnerable group programme in Kogi State. This funding was intended for expenses such as flight tickets, airport taxis, local running costs, and Duty Tour Allowance, even though the state does not have an airport. Moreover, several companies were reportedly paid about N3billion as consultancy fees for the verification of the National Social Register (NSR). More worrisome is a leaked memo indicating that the Chief of Staff to the President actually approved the expenditure of N3billion from the COVID-19 Palliative Fund for the payment of consultants hired by Edu to verify the NSR.
This raises numerous ethical questions: Why invest so much money in consultants when the nation struggles with fiscal deficits? Why hire consultants while local talents remain underutilised and jobless? And more importantly, is there a tangible return on investment that can be traced to these expensive consultancy services? The absence of satisfactory answers to these questions indicates a blatant erosion of governance’s ethical elements — fairness, justice, empowerment, and most essentially, accountability.
The reverberations caused by Edu’s conduct and her subsequent suspension by Tinubu, bring to the fore the ongoing tumult in the nation’s political architecture. This uproar presents a stark reminder of the corruption and lack of accountability that has pervaded the political space. Tinubu, compelled, perhaps by the commotion resonating across the country, suspended Edu. Following this, penultimate Tuesday, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) interrogated her in Abuja. These events are emblematic of a renewed call for transparency in governance.
The President’s swift response may underscore his commitment towards promoting accountability in governance. But it also presents an opportunity for a cogent critique of the seemingly hasty action taken. Was this move just to assuage the outraged citizenry, or is it a signpost towards a sustained campaign against corruption and bad governance? While Tinubu’s action resonates with Nigerians and civil society organisations, it also raises questions about the transparency and accountability measures within his administration. That his Chief of Staff gave the nod for such expenditure leaves too many unanswered questions.
Even so, the EFCC’s subsequent interrogation of Edu in Abuja marks another noteworthy turn of events. This approach suggests a maturing investigative process geared towards achieving justice and equity. Simultaneously, it also indicates a potential shift in the fight against corruption within Nigeria. Again, we could argue that while such practices may lend credibility to the government’s commitment to transparency, they also expose underlying political intentions.
It is alleged that New Planet Project Limited, a company owned and operated by the Minister for Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, has been linked to Edu’s malfeasance. Ojo was awarded a contract worth N438.1million to serve as a consultant for the reputedly fraudulent National Social Register project, which aimed to verify 11 million homes in Nigeria within a month. The anti-graft agency must investigate him to ascertain the level of his involvement. Like Edu, Ojo should be suspended to facilitate a thorough inquiry.
Scrutinising the Tunji-Ojo scandal earnestly might lead us to various contemplations. We might start by questioning the ‘conflict of interest’, as the line between Ojo’s private and public interests seems blurred. As Interior Minister and proprietor of New Planet Project Limited simultaneously, it spills the question of whether national interest is sacrificed for personal gain. The contract might as well have been a smokescreen to siphon public funds, hence harnessing the wheels of corruption.
The Humanitarian Ministry has arguably been bedevilled with corruption allegations. The immediate past minister, Sadiya Umar-Farouq, is being probed by the EFCC, over an alleged N37billion fraud. The funds, intended for the betterment of Nigerians, were laundered through a contractor’s 38 different bank accounts. In 2020, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) said it uncovered N2.67billion meant for the ministry’s school feeding programme in private bank accounts.
Unfortunately for Nigeria, a bulk of the poverty alleviation funds are loans. The country had borrowed $800million from the World Bank to cushion the removal of petrol subsidies through cash transfers to 50 million vulnerable citizens. The leveraging of loans for poverty mitigation programmes puts the nation in a precarious financial position, primarily if these funds are not appropriately utilised or fail to yield the expected socio-economic outcomes. As William Feather once noted, “borrowed money is the most potent form of mythology”, and Nigeria’s increasing reliance on loans to fund poverty alleviation schemes epitomises this concern.
The Edu case presents an arduous challenge; however, it is a challenge that offers a momentous occasion for reform. The choices made by the President will either bring about a promising dawn or cast an ominous shadow over the nation’s retrospective reputation. Tinubu must remember that his decisions will not only affect him but also the future of an entire country. If he takes a firm and rightful stand on these corruption matters, he can reassure Nigerians and the international community that the fight against corruption has truly begun.
And honestly, Mr President must not leave anyone found culpable in his government, no matter how highly placed.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
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