Opinion

Does EFCC Joke With Arrests?

Published

4 years ago

April 22, 2022

The spate of arrests by the anti-corruption agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and the manner by which the victims are released soonest without prosecution or holding anyone leaves much to be desired. It leaves one to wonder whether the agency is actually on a serious mission or merely joking with the arrest of personalities who are often high profile individuals.
The question is why arrest someone who is not going to be prosecuted? If the EFCC doesn’t have enough evidence, why waste time, energy and resources in a drama of arrests that yield no fruit? Is EFCC not trivializing an important issue by irrational action? How do other anti-corruption agencies elsewhere carry out their assignment? Do they level huge financial allegation on someone and on that basis arrest him and then turn around to release him and it ends there? What sort of anti-corruption war is Nigeria fighting? Is there any surprise that corruption has escalated rather than abating?
This is so because a close look at the rank of Nigeria’s political class shows that virtually all of them have been arrested at one time of another by the EFCC without a scratch. That way, the EFCC arrests are meaningless. They have turned out to be an endorsement for personality; a mark of importance for those who matter in the society instead of shame. It’s like if you have not been arrested by the EFCC, you don’t belong. For what would make you an important political figure is the tag of having passed through the EFCC crucible.
In a way, people holding high political positions look forward to arrest. The potential EFCC guests know it is a matter of time before they would be picked up. They also know what would happen when they are picked up – they would be set free and that would be the end of the drama.
It’s on the basis of this melodrama that we have a host of politicians still occupying important positions after they have been baptized with EFCC arrest. For example, the Nigerian Senate is full of former political leaders who had been guests of the EFCC. The chamber is like a club of former EFCC guests because there is little or no prosecution of persons in this group, no convictions.
For instance, available records show that the EFCC secured a total of 2,220 convictions across the country in 2021. Without disclosing the nature of the crimes involved in the cases in which the convictions were made, the trend of its arrests and court cases, suggest they were mostly cybercrime-related.
If that be the case, what about the political high profile arrests that the EFCC orchestrates? The entire hullabaloo about arresting former governors, for instance, amounts to much ado about nothing.
I was provoked to write this piece after news filtered in the social media the other day, that the EFCC had arrested the wife of the immediate past governor of Anambra State, Mrs. Ebelechukwu Obiano, which was false.
The news jolted me and I began to ask what the EFCC has turned out to be. Is Mrs. Obiano an elected official? Did she control the state budget? Her position as the First Lady of Anambra State was not constitutional. Whatever funds she appropriated were given to her by her husband who was the governor. If she chose to use the funds flamboyantly, is that enough reason to arrest her?
Thank God that the EFCC denied arresting her. EFCC said former Governor Willie Obiano’s wife was not in its custody.
Meanwhile, the former First Lady has indicated her interest to run for the Anambra North Senatorial District, under the platform of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Not even that could warrant the speculated arrest.
Mrs. Obiano became popular after she reportedly exchanged blows with Her Excellency Mrs. Bianca Odumegwu Ojukwu. Even at that, there is no law in Nigeria that forbids exchanging blows at official quarters. Otherwise, members of the National Assembly, who on some occasions had exchanged blows on the floor of the hallowed chambers, would have been punished. Official slap is allowed if that would settle a nagging issue.
It would be recalled that former Governor Wiley Obiano was arrested shortly after he handed over to his successor, Professor Chukwuma Soludo. The governor was arrested at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, about a month ago and detained in a most humiliating manner by the EFCC.
That unpopular arrest fell in the catalogue of numerous arrests of former governors that merely made headline news but ended up yielding no dividend. EFCC’s trajectory shows that virtually every former governor was a potential candidate for arrest and indeed, many have been arrested accordingly.
Reports, as at May 2021, indicate that the estimated sums allegedly embezzled by the past governors amounted to a total of N355.80 billion in the North-east; N316.35 billion in the Northwest; N161.160 billion in the South-South, N62.67 billion in South-East, N56.16 billion in North-central, and N23.30 billion in South-West – the region with the least quoted amount of looted funds.
Thus, from all across the states, virtually all the former state chief executives have been arrested. And of the many arrests only former governors Joshua Dariye of Plateau State and Jolly Nyame of Taraba State, were seen to have been prosecuted and convicted. But according to the latest news, they have been pardoned by President Muhammadu Buhari, thereby making a jest of the effort. For EFCC to be effective, it should:
(a) Adopt a sectoral approach in the fight. There is presently no clear-cut approach in the prosecution of the corruption war by the EFCC. The only thing that is apparent is that most of the culprits arrested and or prosecuted so far are political figures. But corruption in Nigeria is a general malaise involving the citizenry. There is corruption in every aspect of the economy – water sector, education sector, banking sector, social service sector, etc. The EFCC should create departments to deal with corruption on sector by sector basis. This would make this campaign more effective.
(b) Open state offices nationwide. Nigeria is very large and the task at hand enormous. The EFCC cannot fight corruption effectively all over the nation from Abuja alone. There should be offices in every state capital equally equipped and strong enough to fish out corrupt persons at every nook and cranny of the states. EFCC should be resident in the states to avoid the situation where corrupt officials desert their offices each time EFCC personnel go to the states. If the EFCC is resident in the states and be part of the daily affairs, corrupt persons would have no hiding place.
(c) Boost manpower capability. The EFCC should increase the number of its personnel. There are thousands of qualified graduates throughout the federation who should be recruited and trained to raise the tempo of the anti-corruption campaign nationwide.
(d) Increase budget. The task before the EFCC cannot be accomplished with empty hand. This organisation which has the potential to save this nation from failing should not be starved of funds. The EFCC should have adequate budget to prosecute its anti-corruption war. If the EFCC fails, the country is doomed.
(e) Merge the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) with the EFCC. These two organisations are essentially doing the same thing. To have the two as they are now amounts to duplication of duties. The two bodies should be merged and their resources pooled together to boost the cause of the campaign.
(f) The campaign against corruption should not be limited to what is happening now. The battle should be extended to what happened in the past. The corruption and atrocities committed against the nation and its people in the past should be revisited. Those who looted the treasury in the past should be called to question except they are dead.
(g) The EFCC should be independent and autonomous not attached to the whims and caprices of the president or anyone else. This is the only way the organisation would be able to perform its duty without hindrance.
It is important to stress that water is used to wash dirty stuff. But if water becomes dirty and filthy, it can no longer be used to wash anything. If the EFCC becomes corrupt and compromised, then the country is doomed. The EFCC should remain above board and maintain high integrity at all times for it to succeed in this battle.

By: Luke Onyekakeyah

Onyekakeyah writes for News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).

Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

3 days ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”

Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.

Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.

The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.

One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.

In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.

Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.

Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.

Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.

Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.

The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.

On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.

In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.

IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.

By: Ivara Favour Isaac

Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

3 days ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”

In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.

They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.

However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.

History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.

For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”

Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it. Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough

. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Bazia EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

1 week ago

March 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”

The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’ welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.

Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.

Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.

While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.

Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.

For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.

By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi