Editorial
S’ West, Herders’ Crisis: Lessons For S’ South
Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East, surging banditry violence in the North-West, incessant farmer/herder’s conflict in the North-Central and South-West, constant threats of attacks by the Niger Delta militants in the South-South and a secessionist bid by the Independent Peoples Of Biafra (IPOB) in the South-East, have all culminated into a huge complex crisis for Nigeria, the giant of Africa. As it stands now, the Federal Government appears unconcerned, perhaps awaiting the ugly occurrences to snowball into full-blown crises before direct interventions will be made.
The recent marching order by Governor RotimiAkeredolu to all killer-herdsmen residing in Ondo State’s forest reserve to quit within seven days, which provoked controversy over the legal propriety or otherwise of the proclamation, is one of the many crisis situations characterising the Nigerian State. And beyond propriety, the conflict assumed ethnic, religious and political colouration that is quite unwholesome.
To all discerning Nigerians, the South-West is fast becoming another cynosure of widespread insecurity where cockcrow robberies, kidnappings, and banditry hold sway. Farmers are murdered at will while at work on their farms. Commuters, traditional rulers and eminent personalities are equally not spared as they are often abducted. Ondo and Oyo States are practically at the receiving end of the menace perpetrated by those often identified as Fulani herdsmen.
Given the circumstances, it will amount to gross irresponsibility and outright complicity for a sitting governor to watch while his citizens are maimed and killed and their territories invaded by criminal gangs. It was on this score that Akeredolu, at a meeting with Hausa/Fulani and Ebira communities in the state, issued the ultimatum for herders to get registered with the government and those that had encroached forest reserve, without being registered, to vacate.
Similarly, a ban was placed on night grazing because most farm destructions take place at night. Cattle movements within cities and highways including grazing of cattle by underaged persons were equally outlawed. So far, the decision has gone down well with many Nigerians across ethnic, religious and political lines, except the Federal Government who, without discerning the governor’s order which was directed at unregistered and criminal herders, condemned the quit order, citing Section 41 of the 1999 Constitution. The Presidency’s crass display of prejudice is tragic.
The widely reported meeting between South-West governors and the leadership of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) may have doused the raging fume arising from Akeredolu’s quit notice. However, there is no proof of a foreseeable end to the crimes, violence and destruction of livelihoods. There appears to be no unwavering commitment to end open grazing in the country. Most of the issues that aggravated the crisis in Igangan in Ondo, like most farming communities across the country, remain largely unresolved.
We support Akeredolu’s action, especially given the impending anarchy being orchestrated by the heartless criminals in his state. All well-meaning Nigerians should back his action as well. Though the 1999 Constitution permits the free movement of Nigerians without let or hindrance, it cannot be a reason to subjugate a people and subject them to atrocities. We similarly reject the claim by the Senior Special Adviser to the President on Media Matters, Mallam Garba Shehu, that the Ondo governor’s order amounted to a blanket eviction of herders in the state and, therefore, a violation of their constitutional rights.
An attempt by a state to secure its citizens by genuinely examining occupants through an order that all residents be registered to fish out criminal elements who hide in their forest reserve cannot be the same as blanket eviction of people from the entire area. Even the Presidency knows that the right to freedom of movement and residence in any part of the country provided for in Section 41 of the 1999 Constitution does not vest in a citizen the right to trespass on private lands.
All plots of land, as we know, are either owned by individuals, corporate organisations, communities or governments. After all, state governors are empowered by the Land Use Act to grant or revoke statutory rights of occupancy in any part of the state. In exercising those rights, therefore, Akeredolu can issue the order he made against those criminals residing in the forests to commit crimes.
The Ondo scenario is a metaphor representing a growing resolve by the rest of the country to adopt self-help measures to combat serious crimes in the face of the abysmal failure of the Federal Government to secure Nigerians. Hence, there is a need for the establishment of regional security outfits across the country in the mould of Amotekun which has been dealing with killer-herdsmen in the South-West.
Specifically, governors and stakeholders from the South-South should learn some lessons from the Ondo incident. First, they must be united and shun all political and cultural differences. Second, they must constitute a common security outfit as an answer to the nagging security challenges in the region in particular and the country in general. Third, as proper to the circumstances, the Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo and Delta (BRACED) Commission should be revitalised to ensure the security and economic development of the region. These measures and perhaps many others have become necessary to contain fleeing criminals from the South-West following pressure from Amotekun.
The South-South leaders have to be proactive and secure their people as the region is now beset with the criminal activities of vandals who rupture pipelines, kidnappers, bandits, robbers, cultists and sea pirates for as long as anyone can remember. When South-West governors announced the arrival of Amotekun, it was initially resisted and declared illegal by the Federal Government. But the governors went through a painstaking process of making it legal through their respective Attorneys-General and legislature. The South-East has followed suit by declaring its security outfit called Eastern Security Network (ESN). Therefore, the South-South cannot be an exception.
Insecurity is thriving across the country, and governors cannot pretend that the issue is beyond them. It is bad enough that the President and his handlers are perceived as biased and advancing the Fulani agenda with the insecurity that goes with it. It is worse that the same Presidency that has no practicable solution to the problem of insecurity is impeding pragmatic response begun by a governor to secure his people. The Presidency should endorse home-grown initiatives like Akeredolu’s, not antagonise them.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
Yesterday, Nigeria joined the rest of the world to mark 2025 World Environment Day. The occasion serves as a stark reminder that our battle against plastic pollution requires more than symbolic gestures—it demands sustained, coordinated action from all levels of government. As communities worldwide grapple with mounting environmental challenges, Nigeria’s approach to plastic waste management stands at a critical juncture.
Dr. Ibinabo Ogolo, a Research Fellow at the Institute of Geosciences and Environmental Management at Rivers State University, has issued a timely call for comprehensive enlightenment campaigns targeting indiscriminate plastic waste disposal. Her message resonates with the urgency that characterises this year’s global theme: “Beat Plastic Pollution.”
The core challenge lies not in policy formulation but in implementation. Years of environmental initiatives have fallen short primarily due to inadequate public education and awareness campaigns. Citizens cannot be expected to adopt responsible waste disposal practices without understanding the gravity of their actions or knowing the proper alternatives.
Government platforms at federal, state, and local levels possess the infrastructure necessary to reach every corner of our society. Television, radio, social media, community meetings, and educational institutions provide ready channels for sustained messaging. The tools exist; what remains is the political will to deploy them effectively and consistently.
This year’s World Environment Day theme underscores the global recognition of plastic pollution’s devastating impact on ecosystems, wildlife, and human health. The message is clear: plastic waste represents one of the most pressing environmental challenges of our time, requiring immediate and sustained attention from policymakers and citizens alike.
The health implications of plastic pollution extend far beyond environmental aesthetics. Industrial and medical plastic wastes often contain toxic chemicals with carcinogenic properties, posing direct threats to human health. These materials don’t simply disappear when improperly disposed of-they infiltrate our environment, contaminating soil, water sources, and food chains.
Plastic additives released into the environment create a cascade of contamination that affects entire ecosystems. Wildlife suffers through ingestion, entanglement, and habitat destruction, while humans face exposure through contaminated water, food, and air. The interconnected nature of these impacts demands a comprehensive response that addresses both immediate disposal practices and long-term prevention strategies.
The link between plastic pollution and serious health conditions, including breast, ovarian, liver, and lung cancers, as well as various hormonal disorders, underscores the urgency of public education campaigns. Citizens have the right to understand how their daily choices affect not only environmental health but their own well-being and that of their families.
Despite scientific awareness of ocean plastic pollution dating back approximately 50 years, Nigeria’s rivers, creeks, and waterways continue to suffer from plastic waste invasion. This represents a failure of sustained commitment rather than a lack of knowledge about the problem’s existence and solutions.
The ritualistic approach to World Environment Day celebrations must end. Annual speeches and symbolic cleanups, while valuable, cannot substitute for year-round, systematic efforts to change behaviour and protect our environment. Governments must develop comprehensive frameworks that extend beyond June 5th commemorations.
Sustained enlightenment campaigns require dedicated funding, clear messaging, measurable objectives, and regular evaluation. Success depends on consistency, creativity, and community engagement that transforms environmental protection from a government mandate into a shared cultural value.
The path forward demands that all stakeholders-government officials, community leaders, educators, and citizens-recognize their roles in combating plastic pollution. Only through sustained, coordinated efforts can we hope to achieve the behavioural changes necessary to protect our environment and secure a healthier future for generations to come.