Opinion
Africa Must Innovate or Perish
Last month end, we published the fourth in a series of Nigeria’s 50th anniversary lecture delivered by Philip Emeagwali as part of the celebrations by Nigerians in France at the Embassy of Nigeria, Paris. This is the fifth and last part of the series sent in from Washington, DC, United States. Excerpts.
Nigeria has approximately a 50-year supply of oil if no new oil is found. In a world without oil, the cutlass will replace the farm tractor. We know most oilfields have been discovered and that oil exists in limited quantities. We know that oil wells dry up after 50 years. Rather than debate the exact year when Nigeria will run out of oil, I prefer to imagine we’ve already run out. The arrival of that day is as certain as the death of the Oloibiri oil well.
If Nigeria’s oil well number one is empty and abandoned, what will be the fate of its oil well number one thousand? It may come sooner than any of us expect. Our heirs will thank or curse us for the amount of oil we leave for them.
Scientific discoveries lead to technological inventions and are the foundations of knowledge: the knowledge that must precede the development of new products, services, industries, jobs, and new wealth.
In human history, technological development and economic growth have gone hand-in-hand. A nation that is second to none in science is second to none in economic power. The grand challenge for African scientists is to make discoveries and inventions that can be domesticated and diffused into the continent’s economy.
It’s innovation and technology that create new products, which, in turn, create new wealth that alleviates poverty. For every ten gallons of oil in our oilfields, only three can be recovered. My discovery that an internet can solve physics problems by sending and receiving answers via emails is one of the innovative tools, techniques, and technologies used to recover maybe one percent of the remaining seven.
In 1989, while solving one of the 20 grand challenges in supercomputing, I broke world records in computation and communication. It garnered international headlines and I, the mathematical storyteller, became both the story and the witness.
I broke those records by reprogramming and reinventing an internet comprised of 65,000 subcomputers to compute and send and receive e-mails to and from 65,000 unique e-mail addresses and to solve 24 million equations, each restating the laws of physics at a world-record speed of 3.1 billion calculations per second.
My belief is that a scientist has to be more than a witness; he or she must be a person of ideas, in constant search of better rules. There is always room for better rules.
I reformulated and reduced Newton’s Second Law of Motion to 18 equations and algorithms, the mathematical lyrics of the Earth. My discovery of those equations and algorithms was front page news.
One day I received a phone call from an American mathematician working in Germany who had read about my discoveries in the Wall Street Journal in June of 1990. I explained to him the grand challenge equations I invented and solved. I said to him:
“At its physicalized core, three of the six primitive partial differential equations of meteorology used to forecast today’s weather are the same as the nine equations I invented for recovering more oil from oilfields and are the same as the Navier-Stokes equations.”
It was an “aha” moment for him. He bombarded me with technical questions. I answered:
“They are the same because they emanated from the Second Law of Motion of physics. They’re calculus restatements of the Second Law which, in turn, are restated as the simple algebraic equation: Force equals Mass times Acceleration or F=ma.”
He became excited and pleaded with me to give a lecture in Washington, D.C. on July 8, 1991 at a session he was chairing at an international congress of applied mathematicians, held once every four years. The ten thousand attendees comprised the largest gathering of the Who’s Who in mathematics.
I attended but I was dismayed and said to myself: “The first mathematics textbook was authored 3,700 years ago by an African named Ahmes. Yet, an alien at this conference would think they are no blacks on our planet.”
I am often asked to share my visions of the future and to predict how the internet could be used to solve Africa’s problems and create new possibilities for its people. My answer is that the internet will accelerate globalization even more and transform Africa, and that in the globalized world of the twenty-second century, there will be more Africans outside Africa than inside. Lagos will become an international metropolis and Africans will abandon their traditional clothing, cuisine, and cultural markers, becoming no more African than the black American. Many Africans in Africa will have a mixed racial heritage, like that of Barrack Obama.
While I predict this trend, I also question it. Is it progress for Africa to lose that which makes it unique? Ironically, developing a better technology also Europeanizes the African identity through globalization. A similar historical example can be found in the invention of the compass, which made it possible to sail across the Atlantic Ocean. This spawned the devastating Atlantic slave trade, which began in Africa on August 8, 1444.
It covered four continents and lasted four centuries. It forcibly uprooted millions of Africans to the Americas. It stripped Africans of their language, culture, and identity. It led to the African diaspora, with one in five Africans resettling in the Americas.
The future is for us to create, but first we must outline our vision. Foot soldiers, not generals, will lead our war against ignorance. The foot soldiers are our one hundred million young Nigerians whose weapon is knowledge. Their collective intellectual capital will enable them to build a stronger Nigeria using technology.
My 50-year vision for Nigeria to tap into the creativity of our young people. They have the potential to uplift humanity. Technology is all around us and we are constantly inventing and reinventing new tools, techniques, and technologies. That journey of discovery to the frontier of science reaffirms humanity’s goal to endlessly search for new knowledge, and to demand more of itself. Let’s do the best we can to make the world a better place through technology.
Emeagwali has been called “a father of the Internet” by CNN and TIME, and extolled as a “Digital Giant” by BBC and as “one of the great minds of the Information Age” by former U.S. President Bill Clinton. He won the 1989 Gordon Bell Prize, the Nobel Prize of supercomputing, for reprogramming 65,000 subcomputers as an internet that helps recover more oil.
Philip Emeagwali
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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