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Boko Haram’s Expansion And The Bleak Picture

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The recent Abuja-Kaduna train attack has finally brought to a halt speculations regarding Boko-Haram’s expansion into the North-West territories of Nigeria. Although warnings sounded as far back as two-three years ago suggested such an active expansionist agenda, it was not until January 2022 that I saw what I consider to be the first official acknowledgement of the expansionist efforts.
This acknowledgement was contained in Kaduna State Ministry of Internal Security and the Home Affairs’ annual security report which included observations regarding the escalating relationship between Boko-Haram groups and bandits. .
Recall that Boko-Haram ceased to exist as a single entity since 2014/2015 when factionalism befell the central entity. This factionalism yielded three different groups distinguishable by certain ideological and tactical contrarieties. They are the Shekau-led Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad (JASLWJ), the Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) supported Jama’atu Ansaril Muslimina fi Biladis Sudan (Ansaru) and the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP). And they have been fighting one another for influence and jurisdiction ever since.
Interestingly, establishing an influential presence in North-Central and North-West Nigeria has always constituted a major aspect of these groups’ grand agenda. But for years, it had proven hard for this objective to be achieved by any of the groups even after staging several operations in the subregions, as none of them was able to establish the desired level of hegemonic presence and influence.
Last year, Nigeria’s terror network experienced heightened volatility due to the escalation of the conflagration between the two major terrorist organisations —the Shekau-led Jama’tu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) and Al-Barnawi-led Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP) — operating in the North-east and Lake-chad basin. This resulted in the death of Abubakar Shekau by suicide which sparked serious disarray within the network and rendered the JAS somewhat defenceless.
Consequently, ISWAP issued an ultimatum to all JAS commanders and fighters to either defect to ISWAP and pledge allegiance to Al-Barnawi or vacate all former JAS territories which now fell under their control. Some commanders and fighters complied and defected while many others surrendered to the Nigeria Army with the aim of becoming beneficiaries of the Nigerian government’s amnesty programme (Operation Safe Corridor).
A third group of JAS commanders and fighters who neither defected nor surrendered to the Nigerian army were thought to have migrated to the North-West to forge alliances with bandit groups. By implication, while Ansaru continues to remain the closest to Nortg-West bandits, ISWAP and former JAS fighters might have also re-ignited links with bandit groups. While ISWAP might have taken over control of the vast network of bandit groups that were formerly affiliated to Shekau-led JAS due to the carpet-crossing of JAS commanders (some of whom are the keepers of the link between JAS and the bandit gangs in the North-West just as Adamu Bitri) to the ISWAP side, JAS fighters that refused to surrender to both ISWAP and the Nigerian Army might however have also migrated to NW to forge alliances with bandits and escape ISWAP’s wrath.
Now, the changing dynamics, improved weaponry and renewed offensive tactics seen in recent attacks thought to be staged by bandits are testimonials to an improved alliance between bandits and members of Boko Haram groups. These attacks which carry Boko Haram signatures all over from attacks on public infrastructure(as in the case of the train attacks) to attacks on military formations(e.g NDA and the Birnin Gwari Army Forward Operational Base) and the efficient use of IEDs for offensives have increased in frequency in North West states.
The recent video tape that was released in the aftermath of the release of Bank of Agriculture’s MD also signals this unholy alliance. At this pace, North-West Nigeria is on the verge of becoming a more deadlier terror zone than the North-East ever was. This is because we are dealing with two groups with complementary terror/criminal expertise synergy which holds the potential for the establishment of the most sophisticated terror network Nigeria has ever seen.
The bandits indubitably boast of an unmatched knowledge of the local terrain and geography of the North-West’s forests and other ungoverned spaces while Boko Haram groups, be they Ansaru or ISWAP, boast of a very deadly extremist-ideological core with a sophisticated array of terror-based expertise and affiliation to global terror networks through Islamic State(IS) African subsidiaries(for ISWAP) and Al-Qaeeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) (for Ansaru) that allows them access to global terror resources and funding.
The bandits also have the numbers sourced from a rich population of child-soldiers. Their numerical preponderance, non-ideological-cum-uneducated nature and relatively young base make them extremely vulnerable to indoctrination and a suitable source for terror-manpower.
Sadly, the use of child-soldiers for terror activities is attributed to both ISWAP and Ansaru, but ISWAP has gone further to institutionalise child recruitment and indoctrination using international terror recruitment standards.
Hence, ISWAP might leverage this rich child-soldier manpower source opportunity more effectively. As I write this piece, I must confess to experiencing an overwhelming shockwave of fear since I discovered ISWAP’s new recruitment and indoctrination strategy through open source terror watch networks. And here is why: the largest bandit-manpower source is predominantly the forsaken, uncivilised and uneducated population of forest-based Fulani. Several testimonies from victims of kidnapping further affirms that the bandits are mostly young boys aged 14-18.
They have been adjudged to be tremendous in terms of population and now Boko Haram groups(ISWAP, ANSARU, fmr JAS) have infiltrated the vast bandit network due to the government’s avoidable mismanagement of the entire situation which metamorphosed from farmer-herder crisis. Unfortunately, the continued mismanagement of this crisis now holds the potential of further transfiguring into an implosive generation-long extremist insurgency.
ISWAP has instituted a new recruitment and indoctrination initiative. This initiative aimed at recruiting an army they term “The Empowerment Generation” focuses on training and indoctrinating children aged 8-16 as seen in a propaganda video released by the group. The implementation of this training and indoctrination exercise is done through the instrumentality of a well structured educational institution named “Khilafah Cadet School”. Cadets, otherwise called “Cubs of the Caliphate”, are drilled in extremist Islamic education; tactical military, arms and infantry training; and Jihad and enemy execution techniques. This school boasts of a well-structured curriculum consistent with global terror standards and a strict entry requirement as students have to pass an entrance exams before getting admitted. The school is well-funded and resourced. The most scary aspect of the video is the scene that shows the cadets practicing special force warfare tactics. In the scene, the cadets are shown entering a building in special force style to extract enemies. The enemies used for this drill were Nigerian soldiers captured by ISWAP. After the extraction, the three soldiers were made to kneel and they were all shot in the head by three different child-soldiers barely aged 15. The precision, the tact and the efficiency in execution are consistent with that which is usually seen in war movies.
The “Cubs of the Caliphate” are a product of a long-term strategy envisioned by ISWAP to continue the ideologically-driven war for another generation, serving as a formidable and inexhaustible manpower source for the terrorist army.

By: Abdulhaleem Ringim
Ringim wrote from Port Harcourt.

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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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Opinion

… And It Came To Pass

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Quote:“Leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation.”
Tell it  in Rivers State, publish it  in the streets of Port Harcourt, so  the daughters of the State could rejoice, and the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph and know that Fubara is not vindictive”. And it came to pass that Rivers State emerged from one of the most delicate chapters in its political journey, the period of emergency rule that spanned from March 18 to September 18, 2025. It was a season that tested institutions, strained loyalties, and exposed the fragile balance between power and principle. During that time, the suspended Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara DSSRS, was widely believed to have suffered not only political setbacks but personal betrayal, allegedly from some top civil servants within the state apparatus. These were individuals expected to uphold neutrality and professionalism, yet were accused in public opinion of taking sides against the very government they served.
As the emergency rule ended and Governor Fubara resumed office, expectations were shaped less by policy and more by emotion. Many assumed that revenge would quietly find expression through governance. The loudest suspicion centered on the 2025 Christmas bonus of ?100,000 traditionally paid to each worker. The thinking was simple and cynical: a wounded governor would surely withhold goodwill. Some voices even mocked workers  openly hoping that the governor would refuse to pay the bonus. To them, denial of the bonus would serve as proof of political strength and justified retaliation. In reality, such thinking revealed a troubling desire to see governance reduced to personal vendetta. Yet,  it came to pass, the governor chose a path that confounded suspicion. Against all expectations, the 2025 Christmas bonus was paid.
That single decision quietly but firmly reframed the narrative. It showed a leader focused on governance rather than grudges, on institutional continuity rather than emotional satisfaction. The payment was not a favor, nor was it a concession; it was a statement that public administration must rise above personal injury. By honoring the bonus, Governor Fubara demonstrated that leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation. He made it clear that workers’ welfare would not become collateral damage in political disagreements. This action also served as a moral rebuke to those who celebrated division and hoped for punishment. Governance is not validated by the suffering of workers, nor is leadership strengthened by withholding entitlements. At the same time, the issue of alleged sycophancy and betrayal within the civil service cannot be brushed aside. If proven, such conduct deserves firm, lawful, and institutional correction. Civil servants are bound by duty to the state, not to political conspiracies or shifting loyalties.
However, justice must never be confused with revenge. The strength of governance lies in correcting wrongs without destroying the system itself. Governor Fubara’s restraint suggested an understanding that the future of Rivers State mattered more than settling scores. For workers, this moment carried an important lesson. Celebration should be rooted in good governance, not in the expectation of another’s downfall. Rejoicing in rumors of denial or punishment undermines the very stability that protects workers’ welfare. Public service thrives where professionalism, mutual respect, and accountability are upheld. Pettiness, gossip, and political scheming only weaken institutions and erode trust. History often remembers leaders not for the crises they inherit, but for the character they display in response. In paying the 2025 Christmas bonus, Governor Fubara chose legacy over impulse, maturity over malice.
And so, it came to pass that focus defeated revenge, governance triumphed over bitterness, and Rivers State was reminded that true leadership is proven when restraint is expected least but delivered most. Beyond the symbolism of the Christmas bonus lies a deeper question about the kind of political culture Rivers State intends to cultivate in the years ahead. Periods of emergency rule, anywhere in the world, often leave behind residues of suspicion, fear, and silent realignments. Institutions do not emerge untouched; individuals recalibrate loyalties, some out of conviction, others out of self-preservation. What distinguishes stable democracies from fragile ones is not the absence of such moments, but the discipline with which leadership manages their aftermath. River.
King Onunwor
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That Withdrawal of Police   Orderlies  From VIPs

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Quote:”Balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk in a country where the majority of citizens are still under-protected.”
The Presidential announcement on the removal of police orderlies from persons in authority and their relations  ( Very Important Persons ) last month came as a relief to many Nigerians who felt deprived    of one major  role of government ; security of lives and property.The higher  population of Nigerians  missed needed security because the VIPs and the VVIPs kept  retinue of Police Officers  totalling over 100 ,000 to  themselves and their family members as if they are all that matter  while some  communities under attack of terrorists  have no single unit of  police station located there in. While many hailed the announcement , some said perhaps the government has just woken up to her major responsibility of securing the lives and property of all  citizens while many expressed indifference on the note that it may be one of those pronouncements which come only in words but no action .Many keep their fingers crossed watching how it will play out , how Mr President  will  go about the implementation of the seemingly dicey  policy .
Benjamin Franklin  said “well said is better than well done ”  It is sufficient today to say that many Nigerians including me are still waiting and watching to see  how well  and how long this  return  of the Police service to the ordinary people will go . Wishing hopes will not be crashed ,  It  is note worthy, that  the recent complaints by the VIPs of being exposed to attacks  may in a way affect the action on implementation. Recently, at Senate plenary , another worrisome  angle came up as Senator Abdul Ningi  coming through a motion    disclosed that he had only one police officer attached to him ( his office ) and that  the officer was recalled the week before following  Mr President’s directive  . Senator Ningi said the withdrawal exposed him to high risks but underscored the angle that while his orderly  was recalled , many other politicians , men  and women in authority, business concerns   foreigners  and even children of some  VIPs are still enjoying retinue of police protection ( officially attached to them ).
 It’s note  worthy also that the Deputy Senate President , Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau,  who presided  over  the session revealed that the  leadership of both chambers are already in discussion with President Tinubu on the need  to exempt  the law makers  from the new policy .  Senator Ningi may not be  wrong . After all he emphasized he is okay  provided that the removal of the Police Orderlies be done across board . Senator Barau noted that talks are on  over the issue of law makers’    in line with international practice . Further details from the Presidency  noted  that   Presiding officers  will retain their  police officers ,  others would have Civil Defense  officers ( NSCDC) as orderlies while  any other VIP who feels he or she deserves personal police protection should get clearance from  his office . In the midst of all  issues weighing in on the proper implementation , it becomes necessary  to bear in mind that  the decision  hinges on  the realization that Nigeria has peculiar security issues (of kidnappings, banditry, and terrorism.) and that  majority of Nigerians   are under protected.
More so, that if well  implemented, Police officers will focus on core duties; even as 30,000 new police officers are to  recruited to enhance security .That implementation  must be made in a  way that leaves no room.for selective  treatment loss of confidence  and  controversies.  Looking at previous attempts of  implementation  of this policy  gives faint hope  as several  attempts consistently failed . Former  IGPs like Tafa Balogun (2003), Ogbonnaya Onovo (2009), and Ibrahim Idris (2018) tried  the policy but all  failed due to political resistance from various angles. All the failed attempts  were tied to lack of political will  mostly due to the fact that the directives came from police chiefs, not the president. Selective Enforcement was another killer to the policy  as  partial implementation  met  resistance   and   later  reversal . Egbetokun (2023) and Adamu (2020) saw minimal impact.
Further more entrenched corruption in the system saw  Politicians and VIPs quietly regain police escorts due to ‘transactional economics”and pressure. Worse still the mindset of the  police officers  withdrawn didn’t help the policy Underpaid police prioritize VIP duties for extra benefits. Many wish President Tinubu’s move can  break this cycle.  As at today, he  still  insists the move is non-negotiable while stressing collaboration with states to upgrade training facilities. As citizens look forward to  success of the policy  without undue exposure of both sides, balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk. Talk fades ; action echoes.  How the Presidency  implements this policy.  has  much to tell on the governments stand on national / community  security , choice of priority and the ability to   stand uncomprised . The known  goal is clear:  The outcome is  not yet certain.  Fingers crossed , we await . Definitely , time will tell.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi.
s State stood at such a crossroads in September 2025. The temptation to rule with a long memory and a heavy hand was real. Yet, the choice made signaled a preference for healing over hardening. Leadership after crisis demands more than administrative competence; it requires moral clarity.
 Governor Fubara’s decision reminded the state that authority is not best exercised through silent punishment or selective generosity. Rather, it is strengthened when rules remain rules, irrespective of personal injury. By keeping faith with workers, the government preserved an essential firewall between politics and public service. That firewall, once breached, turns governance into a battlefield where livelihoods become weapons. Rivers State narrowly avoided that descent. In doing so, it affirmed that institutions must outlive tempers, and governance must not mirror the bitterness of political seasons. This moment also invites sober introspection within the civil service itself. Allegations of partisanship, if left unresolved, corrode professionalism and weaken public confidence. A civil service that drifts into political camps loses its moral authority and operational effectiveness.
Therefore, reform, where necessary, should be guided by due process, transparency, and institutional review—not whispers, witch-hunts, or mob verdicts. Accountability strengthens systems when it is fair; it destroys them when it is arbitrary. The restraint shown by the executive places a corresponding burden on administrative leadership to restore discipline, neutrality, and pride in public service. For the wider political class and the commentariat, the episode serves as a caution against normalizing cruelty as strategy. The eagerness with which some anticipated workers’ suffering revealed a dangerous appetite for scorched-earth politics. When governance becomes a spectator sport where pain is cheered and deprivation is weaponized, society inches toward moral exhaustion. Rivers State has seen enough turbulence to know that stability is not sustained by triumphalism, but by restraint.
The lesson is simple yet profound: power is fleeting, but institutions endure; leaders pass, but precedents remain. In the end, the payment of the 2025 Christmas bonus was more than a fiscal act—it was a civic statement. It told workers they were not expendable. It told political actors that revenge would not be policy. And it told the state that maturity in leadership is not weakness, but strength under control. In a climate where many expected fire, restraint prevailed; where bitterness was predicted, balance emerged. Thus, Rivers State was offered a rare reminder that governance, at its best, is an act of discipline, and leadership, at its highest, is the courage to rise above provocation.
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