Opinion
The Baduhu Factor In Politics
The term ‘baduhu’ is borrowed from late Cyprian Ekwensi’s novel, The Burning Grass. Known in Igbo parlance as ‘Otumokpo’, baduhu is Hausa word for fetish charm, ‘the giver of darkness’ which is supposed to possess the power to put an opponent in a state of confusion and amnesia. To be able to determine the level of crudeness and depravity or mass enlightenment and maturity of any society, it is usually instructive to scrutinise the conduct of its political and economic affairs. Obviously, Nigerian politicians, at least a majority of them, can be described as patrons of fetishism and cultism.
An ex-gallant General and former head of state, Olusegun Obasanjo, once advised ANC leaders in the fight to end apartheid in South Africa, to use ‘Black Power’ as a part of their accoutrements. If the use of such stuff is not common in Pretoria, surely it is common in Nigeria, and moreso in the arena of politics. Fetish and cult activities are quite prevalent in Nigeria, cutting across all social classes, including the Ivory Towers, as portrayed by late Professor Chukwuemeka Ike, in his novel, Naked Gods.
Nigerians who are deeply perceptive would know that widespread practice of fetishism and cultism account for much of the downward slope of the country. Perhaps it may not be known to those involved in such rituals that the Nigerian environment is being engulfed deeper and deeper by very deleterious radiations. Consequently, not only those who stir up such currents are exposed to the havoc which they unleash, but the effect also spreads wider and places the entire nation in jeopardy. Thus, what we experience as a nation arise largely from the activities and volition of individuals and groups.
Ritual murders and other dark deeds undertaken for political and economic purposes are not fairy tales but realities whose details are unfathomable but gory. Predominance of such propensities and deeds in a society, arising largely from ignorance and extreme grossness, lead to the formation of sources of energy which infect the minds of several people as corrupting influences. Thus patrons of fetish and diabolical practices are not only strengthened and energised by the creations of their volition, but also become means of corrupting the wider society. Realms of such perverted energies can only dissolve gradually when more and more people of goodwill generate positive radiations to counter-balance what predominates at the moment.
Unfortunately, practitioners and patrons of diabolical use of ‘black power’ constantly dig and grope about in the realms of errors and darkness thereby keeping themselves and others in an environment of bondage. They rarely know about their pitiable position, neither can they detach themselves easily from the clutches of the dark forces which they unleash and patronise. Justice demands that those who deliberately stir up the beehive must experience the stings of the bees.
Right approach to the challenges and demands of life does not require the use of short-cuts and smart methods of avoiding costs, by resort to fetish sacrifices and rituals. To steal away and destroy without giving back anything of equivalent value, is to create a vacuum or imbalance which must be atoned for, with tears and agonies, much later. Those are true facts of life which everyone can talk about glibly but whose operational mechanism become lost to the patrons of fetish and diabolical rituals. To dig and grope about in the realm of perverted energies is to miss out the bounties available to those who strive diligently to know the laws of creation.
The Nigerian society has degenerated so deeply into the realm of dark and perverted energies, hence the growing predominance of fetish practices, secret cults, ritual murders, acts of terrorism, insecurity etc. Neither would resort to the use of fetish charms and gory sacrifices for the purpose of political and economic successes help matters. Greed, lust for material goals, and degeneration in value orientation are some of the factors responsible for the search for short-cuts to successes. But there is hardly any substitute to a diligent devotion to searching out the true purposes and meanings of life on Earth.
But where individuals miss out in the principal task of finding purposes and meanings in life, the resort to materialism and the use of sordid rituals for the purpose becomes the means of compensating for the loss of the vital issues of life. A part of the striving in the wrong direction takes the form of sharpening the resources of the brain in frantic efforts to cut corners, cheat, amass wealth and make ritual sacrifices rather than obey the laws of life. Many of those who fall into such traps are often those who long for political power, not to serve the masses and solve human problems, but to amass wealth.
The sad situation is that the temptations have become so overwhelming that even self-proclaimed servants and men of God, have joined the bandwagon of materialists, seeking first the kingdom of stomach infrastructure. Apart from politics and economic affairs, the virus of materialism has also infected marital relationship whereby the administration of sordid concoction to foster greater love has become common experiences. Love, in this case, translates into docility, malleability, and perhaps, inability to be rational in thinking. Thus, commercialism and materialism rule the world.
Irrational beliefs in the efficacy of and resort to ‘black power’ have become so widespread that even highly educated people sometimes get lured into patronising such means as solution to challenges. In most cases, it is the strong and convinced state of the mind of patrons of cult rituals, rather than the rituals themselves, which accounts for the efficacy and wonders attributed to fetish practices. The power of human volition is such that miracles arising from it have often been attributed to something else. What is known as ‘placebo-effect’ relates to what a strong faith and state of the mind can achieve.
Expectedly, religious organisations are in the forefront in the current scramble for miracles and wonders, whose efficacy derive more from faith rather than exorcism and rituals that accompany proceedings. We can also not deny the fact that there are votaries of various centres of energy or thought forms which can be contacted through certain rituals and whose effects can be quite efficacious. The snag is that the diabolical ones are easier to access than benevolent ones, largely because of the predominant frame of mind of the populace.
The ‘baduhu’ cult in Nigeria points towards an increasing vacuum between what man truly is, and what he has negligently made himself to become. Not even cults, rituals, fetish practices or sacrifices can bridge the vacuum. It will require utmost diligence, self-exertion and pains-taking devotion to details, to be able to regain what had been missed out. When politics becomes a cult affair, rituals follow.
By: By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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