Opinion
Still On Campus Cultism
Cultism has been a major plague in the society with its war on society subsisting. It is particularly so on Nigeria’s university campuses.
With no introduction when the word is mentioned in our modern society there is only one image that comes to mind is that of people who belong to a particular group and who live outside social laws and norms through harsh initiation.
With each having and often pursuing a different belief, it is surprising that the first cult group was created by one of the most prominent intellectuals in Africa, Wole Soyinka, in 1952 but with a totally different ideology. Over time, it evolved and as it kept gaining publicity, more broke out with different doctrines, ideologies and beliefs.
Many young men are influenced to join while some are forced and others tricked under the guise of promoting brotherhood, philanthropy and providing protection. Some of these groups are Buccaneers, Pyrates, Black Axe, Aro Mates, Air Lords, Dedy na debt, Ciao Sons, Black Bra, and Daughters of Jezebel.
Their initiation processes are usually complex, brutal and inhuman where prospective members may have to go through torture and abuse, some of which involve flogging with either cane or machete, drinking of blood, fighting with others, in most cases female recruits submitting to vigorous sex in front of other members in a manner that leaves scars.
Several factors push youths to join these groups in the first place. Such include: the feeling of belonging and acceptance by a strong group; poor family upbringing; frustration, hardship and social injustice; need to be protected from the unknown; injustice and frustration in school; and peer influence.
Cultism has been one of the major causes of loss of life among youths in society as they often die for no tangible reason. There are always raging rivalry between groups, therefore, leading to shootouts and killings. Many who are fed up and wanting out are usually stuck by reason of the oaths they swore to during initiation.
This phenomenon is not just a danger to those who decide to join in but also the ones around them and society at large. Family members are sometimes mortgaged to ensure one’s loyalty else the disappearance or death of such dear relatives.
There have been several reports of cult clashes over the years as massive shootouts were recorded which had led to the loss of lives and property. Innocent bystanders at such places had lost their lives in crossfires between warring cult gangs. And in our universities, we see these things as they also exist even in private and mission schools; but it has taken a greater toll on those in the public schools as cult members can openly and easily be identified as they always fly their colours and are seen at strategic corners of the schools to rob students of their properties, e.g phones, shoes wallets, wristwatches in general and anything they find attractive.
There have, indeed, been so many accounts by several students and other persons of how they were robbed over and over again at a certain spot. And from several victims and eye witness’ accounts, before a person is robbed or attacked there is always an identity check to avoid mistakenly attacking a co-member or friendly gang fellows. To easily identify themselves, each group has a special body mark, greeting style, slangs or other means of identification.
For security sake, cultists also bear nicknames by which they are known among their members aside their real names. They normally wear certain bangles, caps or other not-too-visible paraphernalia to indicate their status among members on campus.
Here is one other thing about campus cultism; its consequences are not only felt by the members but also relatives and people around them. Members and their loved ones could lose their lives. It often ends badly for anyone who is connected to such miscreants. And with this comes the frequent threat to lives and property, including the killing of students. It encourages arms proliferation, general insecurity and negatively affects the image of the institution. In fact, it is difficult to understand why people join such even after knowing all these devilish sides of it.
Finally, there is not one final solution to the problem of cultism as it is a menace now deeply rooted in society. But this issue can be reduced significantly if people play their due parts in society. The government should first see this as a priority and ensure tight security to citizens, with the provision of rehablilitation centres where culprits may be sent when caught.
There should be provision of proper counselling by universities to help re-orientate repented members and help set them on the right part, the topic of anti-cultism should be a reoccurring one during orientations and seminars. There should also be anti-cultism movement in the campuses or a parade and movement that show the negativity of cult groups and their activities. This should go with a lot of prayers by everyone as they play their part in order to save our campuses and the larger society.
By: Favour Inimgba
Inimgba wrote from Bowen University, Iwo, Osun State.
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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