Opinion
Implication Of SARS Reformation
 
																								
												
												
											Amidst repeated promises by successive governments to reform the Nigerian Police Force and the “immediate overhauling of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad” (SARS) announced by the Inspector General of Police on August 14, 2018, disregard for human rights had remained widespread within the force.
For some time now, there has been outrage at the impunity with which members of SARS perpetrate horrific human rights violations. Between January 2017 and May 2020, not less than 82 cases of torture, ill-treatment and extra-judicial execution by SARS had been documented by the Amnesty International despite the anti-torture act passed in 2017.
According to Osai Ojigho, director of Amnesty International Nigeria, “the systemic use of torture and other ill-treatment by SARS officers for police investigations and the continued existence of torture chambers within the Nigerian Police Force, point to an absolute disregard for international human rights laws and standards.”
Regrettably, bringing these culprits of gross human rights violation to book with a view to ending their notorious act, by Nigerian authorities, had remained a far cry. This failure on the part of the government only reinforces the culture of impunity as studies have shown that these horrific violations were sometimes carried out under the supervision of high-ranking police officers, making torture and ill-treatment a routine practice during SARS’ daily operations and at its detention centres.
Across Nigeria, it is no longer news that SARS officers have turned their duty to protect Nigerians into an opportunity for extortion. It is hard to believe that many victims of SARS violations face obstacles and, in some cases, concerted opposition from the police authorities while seeking justice, including threats to their lives. Could it be said that the Nigerian authorities only paid lip service instead of ensuring real reform?
As if to take their fate in their hands, Nigerians recently rose up against this unwarranted torture that cannot be justified in any form. For them, nothing short of the dissolution of the enigma could suffice. At the centre of protests against police brutality, as if to pacify the visibly aggrieved Nigerians who have vowed not to relent in their protest until their yearning for abolition of SARS is met, a special presidential directive was aired over the weekend, this time, ordering an immediate dissolution of the controversial police tactical unit.
The order added that “all the officers in the SARS – widely accused of unlawful arrests, torture and murder, are to be redeployed, while a new arrangement to replace the squad is being worked on”. Without any prejudice, the dissolution of SARS at both federal and state levels now could best be described as a timely clinical response by the leadership of the Nigerian Police Force, to the pains of the citizens in the hand of officers of the body.
Nevertheless, the adjoining statement to the presidential order becomes quite crucial and calls for more explanation as the public is at a loss as to where, in heaven’s name, these officers would be redeployed, bearing in mind that President Muhammadu Buhari had earlier said he was determined to end police brutality, introduce reforms and bring “erring personnel to justice.”
The Minister of Police Affairs, Muhammad Maigari Dingyadi, reacting to the incessant reports of infractions against personnel of the Squad, had also vowed to thoroughly investigate allegations against them, with a view to bringing them to justice. In a statement signed by his press secretary, Mr. Osaigbovo Ehisienmen, the minister said the thorough investigation was to secure justice for the victims and reprimand erring officers involved in such violation of citizens’ right and unprofessional conduct.
The decisions of the duo, though at different occasions, to probe the notorious activities of the body, if implemented, will not only serve as a deterrent to others who continue to toe the line of violating citizens’ rights, it will significantly reduce the various infractions of the force that the ordinary Nigerians have been complaining about and bring an end to the menace of SARS brutality on the people they are meant to protect.
Thus, the statement that “all the officers in the SARS – widely accused of unlawful arrests, torture and murder, are to be redeployed, while a new arrangement to replace the squad is being worked on”, tends to paint the picture of a somewhat aberration from the first order.
Before we get it wrong, we must not brush aside the fact that it is people’s attitude that is on the table right now. It is about addressing an unguarded culture or behaviour that has held sway over the years and not a drama orchestrated to make a point.
Recall that SARS had been cautioned in the same manner before, only for it to go back to its old ways. This group of police officers has routinely engaged in unlawful killings and torture, and has given the Force a bad name. This calls for caution, honesty and integrity as we propose a way forward for this all-important unit of the Police.
No doubt, when it comes to fighting violent crime, including banditry and kidnapping, Nigerians could score the SARS second to none, but trouble came when, despite the anti-torture legislation passed in 2017,  its members continued to use torture and other inhuman measures to execute, punish and extract information from suspects.
Nigeria seems to have been wont to name change to reflect an image overhaul, instead of working on attitudes and behaviours so as to attract and enjoy the goodwill of the people around them. Redeploying the SARS members to other units under different nomenclature is like merely covering excreta with a paper that is bound to be exposed by the presence of flies.
Therefore, thorough reformation is imperative. Ensuring that they uphold the fundamental rights of the citizens as well as holding officers accountable for their acts, remain key in improving on the efficiency and effectiveness of SARS.
There is nothing wrong in acquainting the public with the police operational procedure, while insisting on training and retraining in line with the police code of conduct. The Nigerian authorities must, as a matter of sincerity, go beyond lip service to ensure there is real reform within the Nigeria Police with an emphasis on SARS.
Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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