Opinion
Rivers At 52: Matters Arising
Irish poet, Edmund Burke, once said; “all there is for evil to triumph is for good people to ‘do nothing’.
In other words, members of society must react and question anomalies to promote peace and development.
Similarly, American liberal activist, Wendell Philips, is quoted as saying, “External vigilance is the price of liberty.
To this end, it is clear that no society can enjoy bliss and attain freedom, independence and liberty without being vigilant or engage in productive effort that would engender growth.
The laudable effort of the founding fathers that fought for the creation of Rivers State in 1967 must be celebrated for the overall good of Rivers people.
State creation movement in Nigeria took several approaches before regions and states were eventually created. In fact, the circumstances that led to the agitation for a state in the Niger Delta cannot be discussed in isolation of the broader social problems which affected the Nigerian nation.
It is equally important to accentuate the fact that state creation movement emanated from the fear of domination by the major tribes in the Nigerian project.
Ben Naanen (2002) pages 340-350 in Ebiegberi, Joe Alagoa and Abi Dere-Faka in the book entitled The Land and People of Rivers State Eastern Niger Delta; “the struggle for ethnic hegemony has been linked to formation of pan ethic union from the 1920s.
Professor Naanen posited that the ethnic movement also took the form of cultural and welfare associations before assuming political status when party politics was introduced in Nigeria.
For instance, the Jamiya Mutanen Arewa also known as Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) was founded in 1949, Egbe Omo Oduduwa formed in 1951 and thus constituted the nucleus of Action Group while the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC) was inaugurated in 1944 and the Igbo in Lagos were in majority in the party.
Since this party formation were dominated by the so-called major tribes, fears of minority groups deepened.
In the Niger Delta Region, the Ijaws are credited with the formation of Rivers Peoples League in 1941, followed by agitations by the Ogonis, Ekpeye, Etche and Abua.
The first attempt to create Rivers State was the creation of Rivers Province in 1947 comprising Ahoada, Brass, Degema, Ogoni with Port Harcourt as its Headquarters.
The creation of Rivers State, therefore, was not any act of benevolence but as a result of combined agitations of ethnic groups in the state.
This is where it is pertinent to list most founding fathers and they include Chief Harold Wilcox who later changed his name to Dappa-Biriye, Chief D. Davis Manuel and Chief Francis Alagoa, among others.
However, those who actually signed the Rivers Leaders of Thought document were S. N. Dikibo as chairman, E. N. Kobani representing Ogoni Division, Dr I. J. M. Fiberesima (Degema) R. P.G. Okara (Brass Division), G B C Otoko (Opobo Division) and N. Nwonodi (Ahoada and Port Harcourt Division). This does not undermine the roles of Dr Obi Wali and Ken Saro-Wiwa, among others.
To the glory of God, on 27th May, the Military administration of Yakubu Gowon created the 12 States structure and Rivers State was one.
Thus Rivers State was created 52 years ago on 27th May, 1967. The celebration of the birthday of the state has always been threatened by Children’s Day celebration and birthday celebration of some governors whose birthdays fall on 27th May. It is on record that Navy Commander Alfred Diete-Spiff was appointed the first Military Governor of Rivers State while Elder Pikibo Oju-Daniel Kalio was appointed the first Secretary to State Government. The question to ask at this juncture is, 52, years after, what are the lessons to learn from the founding fathers?
In the words of former Minister of Youths, Sports and Culture, Alabo Tonye Graham-Douglas, “The Founding Fathers bequeathed unity of purpose to us all”.
Graham-Douglas called on Rivers people to reconcile their differences to engender peaceful co-existence and stressed the need to emulate unity of purpose exhibited by the founding fathers to build a virile Rivers State.
In the words of a former Governor of the state, Sir Peter Odili, at the recent inauguration thanksgiving in honour of Governor Nyesom Wike at the Yakubu Gowon Stadium, “Rivers elders must unite and fight collectively to entrench peace in the state”.
He concluded thus, “Rivers State elders must embrace moral high ground to promote unity’.
No doubt, Rivers State needs unity and peace. For Professor Emeritus E. J. Alagoa, the Rivers State Government and, indeed, the Niger Delta States must attach premium to result-oriented research in our universities that will place the state in particular and the region at large on a fast lane of development.
At 52 years, insecurity must be defeated to facilitate communication and transportation of goods across the state.
Wike’s government should ensure safe transportation of goods across riverine communities in the state.
In this regard, Governor Wike, during his second term, must change the narrative of kidnap, rape, robbery and killing along PH-Bonny and PH-Kula, Bille sea routes.
It is also pertinent for the authorities to promote Rivers culture and, in turn, project in good light the favourable identity of Rivers people.
To this end, the present administration must resuscitate the ailing media establishments such as Radio Rivers, RSTV, The Tide Newspaper, Garden City Radio and Council for Arts and Culture as well as the Rivers Readers Project to promote Rivers indigenous languages.
The authorities must also accord priority to the welfare of senior citizens such as retired civil servants through prompt payment of pensions, gratuity, promotion arrears and regular payment of salaries of workers. Thank God the amended pension law has been assented to.
Sika is a PH-based journalist.
Baridorn Sika
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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