Opinion
Rivers At 50: Before The D-Day
The creation of Rivers State on May 27, 1967, amongst 11 others from the old regional arrangement, was the climax of the series of anti-minority movements or agitations by the burgeoning leaders in a region now known as South-South geopolitical zone. In the broadcast that gave birth to the states on that date, the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon (rtd), reasoned that “creation of States is the only possible basis; for stability and equality” in the country.
Indeed, the creation of states gave the minorities immeasurable sense of belonging and paved the way for self-actualisation. It also weakened the attitude of dominance of the majority tribes.
Popular and prominent platforms used in advancing the cause in that period of our history were the Rivers Chiefs and Peoples Conference (RCPC), the Rivers Leaders of Thought (RLT) and the Niger Delta Congress; a political party founded and led by Chief Harold DappaBiriye.
In the forefronts of the quest for states in this part of the zone were irresistible men like Chiefs Harold Dappa-Biriye, Nwobudike Nwanodi, Emmanuel Oriji, Wenike Briggs, Ashirim Unosi, M. D. Selema, Richard Woyike and several others, yet to be celebrated.
They came from different ethnic backgrounds, political affiliations and ideological leanings, but were united by a common faith and cause. They were focused, committed and undoubtedly altruistic in their pursuits.
They were driven by a rare passion and saturated with a desire to liberate their people from years of unjustifiable neglect, social and economic deprivation, as well as political emasculation, experienced even before independence in 1960. They saw in the creation of Rivers State “the salvation of the Niger Delta Peoples and their environment, where there will be parity of opportunities for all citizens irrespective of the size”.
The emergent pioneer administrators, under the leadership of a vision-driven governor, Commodore Alfred Papapiriye Diete-Spiff (rtd), now Amanyanabo of Twon Brass in Bayelsa State, were thinkers and brilliant in their different callings. They were clear in their vision, and as pioneer state builders, laid the solid foundation for the rapid growth and development of the young state.
Following the sudden termination of the glorious era of the pioneer state builders in 1976, the state came under a succession of military dictators led by non-indigenes that did not only fail to sustain the pace of development but also truncated the dream of the founding fathers.
Notwithstanding, the achievements of the era of the founding fathers were the envy of other states. In the course of time, Rivers State became one of the most notable and populous states in the federation, even after the creation of Bayelsa State in 1996.
At the wake of democracy in 1999, a new chapter in the socioeconomic and political history of the State began. It was a new dawn for the State and its people. Hope was rekindled and aspirations ran high. Expectations were equally high among the citizenry who desired a breath of fresh air after long period of military administrations.
The political leadership from 1999 to date tried to reverse the decades of anomalies perpetrated by the military junta in collaboration with some unpatriotic citizens. Unfortunately, some, if not most of the elected men and women, lacked the profound emotion, “cast of mind” and commitment that characterized the first generation leaders.
Nevertheless, Rivers State today stands out as one to be reckoned with in terms of infrastructural development, social, economic and political relevance amongst states in the federation.
May 27, 2017, the state that once held and still holds the hope for many will be 50 years old. By Providence, the Golden Jubilee anniversary will rest on the shoulders of the present administration under the leadership of Governor Nyesom Wike. Interestingly, it is happening at a time when, many believe, the state is undergoing reckonable socio-economic changes; a kind of renaissance that has rekindled hope, restored confidence in governance and bolstered pride of the people.
The celebration, no doubt, will transcend fanfare and merry making. Obviously, it will take stock of the diverse milestones in the life of the state and its people, as well as launch a sustainable development graph that would prepare future generations for the challenges of statehood. In addition, it will showcase visible achievements of the present administration, including investment opportunities that abound in the state.
Already, some on-going projects have been earmarked to commemorate the event. Two of such landmark projects include the Ecumenical Centre and the Port Harcourt Pleasure Park; a project apparently intended to promote a culture of recreation, without ruling out the fact that it will be a very good source of revenue for the state.
While the Rivers State Government is working round the clock to have a befitting and memorable Golden Jubilee celebration of the creation of Rivers State, it should be supported as one celebration that would touch the hearts of our political and other leaders and bridge the yawning gap or divisiveness created by unhealthy politics.
Above all, the Golden Jubilee celebration, is expected to heal wounds, promote peace, love and unity, and inspire a deep appreciation of the sacrifices of our founding fathers in the attainment of our cherished common heritage.
Ezekiel-Jenewari is a seasoned journalist and retired Director, Rivers State Ministry of Information and Communications.
Tonye Ezekiel-Jenewari
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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