Opinion
Between Kutigi’s Confab And Uwais Report
The Honourable Justice Idris Kutigi led-National Conference, masterminded by the erstwhile administration of President Goodluck Jonathan and inaugurated on Monday, March 17,  2014 was concluded amidst high hopes from all quarters, despite the huge amounts allocated to the confab.
Most people overlooked the huge financial implications on account of salient issues the conference resolutely earmarked to determine. Expectedly, critical long-standing issues particularly socio-political and ethno-religious problems triggered torrid disagreements, albeit afterward determined.
Overall, 492 delegates selected across the nation congregated in the seat of power to untangle the hitherto no-go areas in the system. Ridiculously, every ethnic group represented cried wolf over the same object; ‘marginalization’, perhaps, to espouse the phrase that attack is the best defensive game. Nonetheless, the confab provided opportunity, at least, to discuss as neighboring communities, but it was economically a faux pas.
Obviously, the multitude of the hand-picked delegates lacked requisite legitimacy to embark on such exercise since the duty is restrictedly vested in the elected lawmakers. Sadly, too, participants were contentedly shortsighted with making resolutions and overlooked its implementation vis-à-vis the legal regime.
For instance, Section 4(1) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria unambiguously provides that; “the legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the federation, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives”.
The  section also outlines the legislative procedures for making laws, and is so stringent that any actions even by the legislators that is inconsistent with the laid down procedures for making laws is invalid.
Regrettably, most of the confab delegates believably knew that such usurpation of powers through handpicking of delegates devoid of any legal criteria would amount to nullity. Even while the confab lasted, the legislature explicitly distanced itself from the exercise. Still, the delegates never considered it imperative to strategize on how to push forward its resolutions to the National Assembly, either by mobilizing the people to mandate their elected representatives or lobby the lawmakers themselves.
For emphasis, federal laws are, in a democracy, made through prescribed processes by the National Assembly, except delegated legislations by statutory bodies. Under no circumstances can a body not recognized in law like the Kutigi-led confab make valid laws for the federation. Unfortunately, the participants hailed the exercise and tagged it a success despite its fundamental drift from legislative processes.
Eventually, after the presidential election alongside inauguration, it dawned on the people that the government had no legal capacity to implement it, nor political will to push it for legislative process in sync with the constitution.
The bitter truth is that under democratic arrangement, the Executive cannot implement such confab report except to sponsor it as executive bills which will still be at the mercy of the nation’s lawmakers. To call the exercise a success by mere deliberations with litany of resolutions is the height of absurdities and narrow-mindedness because the Executive statutorily lacks powers to implement it without due passage by the National Assembly.
The best action any sincere government would judiciously take in the overall interest of the nation remains to press strongly for legislative passage of the earlier Hon. Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais-led 22-man Electoral Reform report of 2008 which was altruistically spearheaded by late ex-President, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. To abandon the Uwais report which has the capacity of correcting the nation’s weak foundation and ipso facto fix the right people in leadership positions remains the greatest injustice to the country.
Most likely, late ex-President Yar’Adua’s spirit may not be resting perfectly in peace over the political murder of his electoral reform that suggests the easiest way out of Nigeria’s gargantuan problems.
A well-structured electoral system remains the sine qua non to urgent national revolution. Until such a brilliant report is implemented, the helpless masses will continue to watch the usual home movies in government, particularly in the legislative arm, knowing that no president, irrespective of political will, can do much in the midst of a pathetic, unskilled and narcissistic extra-large legislature.
The burden now shifts to President Muhammadu Buhari to expeditiously revisit the Justice Lawal Uwais report for implementation as a distinctive way to ending the nation’s political problems.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, lives in Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
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														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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