Editorial
No To Phony Police Probe In Rivers
The re-run National Assembly and House of Assembly elections held on December 10, 2016 in Rivers State have come and gone but the impact and the outcome on the Nigerian political landscape will linger for a very long time. Indeed, the elections will continue to dominate political discourse within and outside the State. This is because never in the history of the country had Nigerians witnessed the brazen display of raw power by security forces as they did during the elections.
While elections worldwide are generally seen as an opportunity for contestants for various political offices to market the manifestoes of their political parties, the policies and programmes that they would pursue if elected, outside their individual vision and mission, unfortunately, the case of Rivers State during the last elections was a different ball game, as the political landscape was literally subdued and turned to a theatre of war, in which the State ostensibly became a battle ground, where the political gladiators, particularly those of the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) and their security collaborators unleashed mayhem on Rivers people and the residents.
Indeed, the atmosphere during the December 10, 2016 re-run polls was tense, occasioned by the huge deployment of over 28,000 security personnel drawn from the Army, Airforce, Police, Navy, Department of State Services (DSS) and the National Security Defence Corps, in addition to the armoured tanks, gunboats and military helicopters deployed ahead of a mere rerun legislative poll, involving just a few legislative seats. The pertinent question to ask in the circumstance is: if the APC-led Federal Government could do this, what would it then, do during the general elections in 2019?
There is no gainsaying that there was unprecedented display of federal might during the elections, which invariably influenced the outcome of the polls in several parts of the State and in most of the Wards and polling units. The aftermaths were violence, intimidation, arson, killings and unprecedented ballot box snatching allegedly masterminded by security agencies. Indeed, it is no longer a hidden fact that electoral officers, PDP agents and supporters were brutalised, beaten up and some even killed in the process. Sadly, a senior police officer and his orderly also lost their lives in a most bizarre manner. Incidentally, gory scenes of what transpired during the elections were captured by cameras.
Unfortunately, despite this show of shame in Rivers State, even when all the facts are very glaring, the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Ibrahim Idris, in a twist, ordered and commissioned a phony probe panel into the violence that virtually marred the rerun polls in the State. Without sounding alarmist and even pre-emptive, going by what actually happened in the State on December 10, 2016, with the APC–led government apparently an accomplice, the outcome of such a probe can easily be deciphered, the police itself being a federal agency. To buttress this point, imaginary video clips are already being circulated and bandied around, with the Executive Governor of the State, Chief Nyesom Wike as a target.
While The Tide does not see anything wrong with a probe panel to unravel the circumstances surrounding the violence and other sundry crimes committed during the rerun polls, it however, sees everything wrong with the police probe panel, because as it were, the police cannot be a judge in a case in which they were grossly partisan. A situation where the police worked assiduously hard, in a perfidious manner, to please their pay masters, the federal authorities and the APC, during the re-run polls, is not only condemnable but also unacceptable.
This explains why the probe panel instituted by the Inspector General of Police would remain a hollow ritual, and self-serving, and only intended to serve the interest of the Federal Government and the APC. The police, a major actor in the political macabre dance in Rivers State on December 10, 2016, we believe cannot at the same time be an investigator, a prosecutor,, a witness, a defender and a judge in their own case.
We strongly believe that the police probe panel is equally aimed at exonerating the actual culprits of the mayhem that took place in the State and ultimately put to the sword some innocent persons who were even at the receiving end during the polls. It is against this backdrop that we demand the immediate disbandment of the phony probe panel. Alternatively, the National Assembly or even the National Human Rights Commission are more appropriate, credible, unbiased and independent bodies capable of carrying out such a probe, to actually look into the critical issues surrounding the elections, particularly the violence and mayhem perpetrated during the polls, including the unprofessional roles played by the police and other security agencies in a purely civil matter. It is only by so doing that there would not be a reoccurrence of this show of shame in any part of the country in the future.
What is urgently needed now is for the Federal Government and the APC to give peace a chance in Rivers State and desist from overheating the polity.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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