Opinion
INEC Voters Card And Fundamental Rights
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is undoubtedly preparing for the 2019 elections with high hopes towards improving on its statutory mandate to conduct free and fair elections for the nation. Amid vital tools earmarked for use by the commission for the civic duty is the voter’s cards issued to all registered voters which licenses where a citizens who have attained the age to freely participate in the exercise. Incidentally, one of the salient features of the voter’s card is the designation of polling unit holder is to be accredited ahead of exercising the electoral franchise. This therefore makes it static and requires permanent positions of electorates without putting into consideration the constitutional provision under the fundamental human rights in the 1999 Constitution.Section 41 of the Constitution clearly provides for freedom of movement.
In contrast, based on electoral rules alongside the voter’s card, a voter who registered in a particular location is ineligible to exercise franchise in another even in adjacent polling units due to the use of on-site voters’ registers. For citizens to be technically barred from exercising civic rights on account of movement to new locations circuitously negates the freedom of movement enshrined in the constitution.
Movement is unsurprisingly a striking characteristic of human beings, thus, the tendency of registered voters changing locations and places of domicile where they hitherto registered for elections is high. A good number often change residential locations; towns, cities and even states at ease. The implication is that these great numbers that possibly relocated a distance away from the registered polling unitsand who may be willing to participate in the electoral process,will be mechanically disenabled from participation since voters cards and registers issued and obtained at a particular polling unit are only valid at the same polling unit as far as election is concerned.
Without doubt, the ideas of using voters cards and registers for elections are unbeatable; nevertheless, there is a need to go extra miles to make it more flexible and efficient for optimal results. Election of leaders to pilot the affairs of the nation, states and local government areas cannot be a child’s play as that determines the destiny of the people in every four years, and therefore should be given all necessary attention and commitments.
By the present arrangement, a citizen that registered in a city but subsequently retired or transferred out of the area or wishes to relocate to a place of origin will automatically be disenfranchised till death since the voter’s card is supposedly a permanent card with no room of modifications. From observations, enthusiastic citizens who registered at polling units within places of work distant from residential areas and issued with voter’s card had been ceaselessly disenabled from exercising electoral franchise due to no movement ‘standing orders’ on election days.
More worrisome is a situation where registered voters in a city subsequently wish to vie for elective offices in states of origin but cannot vote. It denotes that even as a candidate, such a citizen cannot cast a vote even for himself. This will essentially require that INEC should review voters’ registers periodically not only to accommodate freshly ripened electorate, but also to update whereabouts of existing eligible electorate who altered milieus to exercise their franchise without hitches.
Perhaps, a unique system which will make provisions for registered voters to indicate a choice location to vote in a particular political dispensation contrary to the location hitherto designated during voters’registration is indispensable to curing the current fundamental errors in our electoral process. Due to the blunders, the voter’s card, for many, has redundantly become mere identity card for financial transactions to the detriment of its sacred priority despite volumes of public funds lavished on the project.
As 2019 election is drawing close, INEC should thoughtfully put a mechanism in place towards ensuring that all willing citizens are enabled to participate in the elections by removing all avoidable hitches created by the existing arrangements on their voters’ cards and registers. The voters’ registers of several years ago are inept to meet the present challenges without disenfranchising a great population of the electorate.
The voter’s card believably was dubbed from the western world which operates virtual/e-voting, and therefore allows the electorate to exercise franchise without restrictions, irrespective of locations, unlike on-site voting. For free and fair elections to be actualised, all eligible voters ought to be empowered, facilitated to participate in the electoral processes without hitches.
Certainly, with good planning, the inadequacies can be systematically rectified. The presumptive eligible voters who were in the recent past technically hindered from participation in the elections on account of these aberrations should be given the chance to exercise their fundamental human rights.
Umegboro is a public affairs analyst and publisher.
Carl Umegboro
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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