Opinion
Is Globalisation A Panacea To Disintegration?
Globalisation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon that
encompasses all spheres of life and ideologies. It is the product of post-cold war period.
The Oxford Concise Dictionary of Politics outlines that in reality, much of the inconclusiveness of debate on globalization stems from the ambiguities of the concept. Globalisation is sometimes presented as a casual theory.
Sometimes it is a collection of concepts, mapping but not explaining how the changing global system is to be understood, and sometimes, it is understood as a particular kind of discourse or ideology, often associated with neo-liberalism.
There are also important distinctions between economist readings of globalization that stress increased interstate transactions and flows of capitals, labour, goods and services, and social and political readings that stress the emergency of a new form of governance and authority.
Globalisation as noticed above is seen as a whole not as part because of the holistic nature of the book which is obvious.
Getting down the ladder an author Nakabari Joshnson Ntete – Nna said Globalisation is not a new phenomenon even though the coinage is a recent one. It is part of the process of the internationalization of capitals or the continuous expansion of global economy.
Understanding globalization in its relative form,one is constrained to agree with David Held that the term globalization has become synonymous with the unfiltered expansion of global market place assuming the status of an ideology which orients the future action and expectations of groups within the corporate world.
It is salient to point out, that globalization and neo-colonialism are co-related ideologies which, to a large extent, have the same principle and concepts but the application differs sharply in its mode. Globalisation was designed for mere expansion of trading arena for the developed states.
The developing states were in the stage of neo-colonialism, when neo-colonialism was being challenged by the forces of antithesis and synthesis, it then changed the turn of the world been a global village, hence globalization.
Neo-colonialism on the other hand, was originally designed to replace colonialism.
Scholars like James O. Connar, J.O. Olatunji and Henry E. Alapiki agreed that neo-colonialism is designed to prevent the newly independent countries from consolidating and thus to keep them economically dependent and securely under the capitalist system.
Late Professor Claude Ake defines imperialism as the economic control and exploitation of foreign lands arising from the necessity for counteracting the impediments to the accumulation of capital, engendered by the internal contradictions of the domestic capitalist economy.
The effects of imperialism to the peripheral and the core are obviously self explanatory and the relationship is the master and the slave, the former is the slave while later is the master. It is the adage that he who blows the piper dictates the tune of the music. The instruments of imperialism are division of labour which is alien to the periphery, transplanting of capitals which arise from the contradictions of rate of profit.
From the above understanding, the similarities of globalization and imperialism are common. First from the realists point of view, both phenomenon have no morality in their perspectives, their instruments are different but the end results are the same.
Globalization uses multinational corporations and the UN organs like World Bank, IMF, UNICEF etc to prosecute its missions, enriching developed nations, while imperialism uses capitals to exploit the peripheral state (the third world countries) through transplanting capital for profit and surplus values.
Needless to stress that capitalism hashed imperialism, imperialism gave birth to colonialism, colonialism gave birth to neo-colonialism which in turn gave birth to globalization. These offsprings of capitalism were impregnated by the metropolis and midwived by the league of nations/United Nations through their various organs for the benefit of the UN Security Council and their allies to the detriment of the third world and developing states. Hence, these countries’ development is disjointed, distorted, stagnated and impeded by these activities.
The Niger Delta region is a victim in this regard.
Historically, the Niger Delta region is a richly endowed region with large deposits of crude oil. But since the colonial government of Nigeria struck the black gold in Oloibiri in Bayelsa State in 1956 and its subsequent exploration in 1957, development has bid farewell to the region.
The root of the crisis in Niger Delta region could therefore be traced to the fact that the people of the area are wallowing in abject poverty, squalor in the mist of plenty.
The Beacon Newspaper of Friday, July 11, 2003 asserts that while the foreign companies and their Nigeria fronts, agents and collaborators are living in unbridled affluence, the aborigines of Niger Delta, under whose land the oil and gas are extracted, wallow in demeaning poverty, having been neglected, abandoned and excluded from enjoying the proceeds from stupendous wealth the nation and multi-national oil companies derive there from.
Evidence of the mistreatment and deprivation of the Niger Deltans abound everywhere. And briefly, this is the crux of the people’s protestations, which the heartless and insensitive exploiters portray as “restive” and “violence” in Niger Delta.
Prof. E. J. Alagoa observed that the Niger Delta is a prime example of deprivation directly traceable to absence of true federalism. Specifically, there is no control over local resources by the owners of such resources.
In an interview with African Independent Television (AIT) Focus Nigeria on 1st October, 2008, the Catholic Archbishop of Abuja, His Eminence, Archbishop Onanyikan, maintained that oil companies in US, Holland, Germany etc have their mode of operation in these countries, that the oil producing communities are well protected from the environmental degradation and pollution occasioned by oil exploration and exploitation. He questioned whether it is not the same oil companies that operate in the developed countries that also operate here in Nigeria.
From all indications, it is obvious that it is the Nigerian State and the local bourgeoisies that facilitate this insensitivity and injustice done to the oil producing communities by the oil companies in Niger Delta region of Nigeria.
The logic from the concept of globalization is that the world will be made a village. But at whose expense and in favour of who?
In summary, globalization is a phenomenon that engenders insecurity in the global economy, science, technology, trade, mercantilism, warfare etc. As it is inherently endowed with conflict, its application lacks transparency as its antecedence is characterised with manipulation of all sorts. As a result it can never be a panacea to global disintegration.
Chukwudi writes from Port Harcourt.
Ejimofor Chukwudi
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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