Editorial
The Girl-Child And Current Challenges
The International Day of the Girl-Child is a
United Nations Observance held annually
on October 11 to promote girls’ rights and highlight gender inequalities that exist between the sexes. But even more is the vulnerabilities that threaten the very survival of the girl-child.
The day provides opportunity for people and organizations to raise public awareness on the different types of discrimination and abuses that are inflicted on the girl-child around the globe. It is also hoped that solutions will be found, even as the average person understands the avoidable danger girls face.
The 2015 celebration with the theme: “The Power of the Adolescent Girl: Vision for 2030” was programmed to deliberately re-enforce steps taken to advance the interest of the girl-child against the backdrop of the prevailing discrimination and violence against girls and violations of their human rights.
While The Tide salutes the United Nations for observing the day, the idea of attaching the challenge of the girl-child to a global vision framework is rather disturbing. The fact is that the subject has assumed an emergency proportion and should be so treated now. Waiting for years to achieve such goals can be too clostly.
It is obvious that the girl-child all over the world is particularly vulnerable to certain human rights violations and therefore requires urgent domestication of additional protective legislations that will effectively check existing dehumanising factors in the civil, political, economic, social and cultural laws working against the interest of girls.
Today, the girl-child faces severe discrimination and abuses based on gender, age, race, colour, language, religion and ethnicity. Society pays less attention to her standard of living adequate for her intellectual, physical, moral and spiritual development.
No healthcare programme is designed to take care of the peculiar needs of the girl-child, she is exposed to unsafe environment. The girl-child is often subjected to various degrees of cultural practices, customs and traditions harmful to the child, including female genital mutilation, sexual exploitation and trafficking. She is also forced into early marriage to persons older than her grand parents.
The plight of the girl-child is nothing but a return to primitivity. It is the failing of the family, the society, the religious bodies and governments at all levels. If society cannot protect the weakest member of the population, the State of nature takes place, where only the strong survives.
But this must change because the girl-child is the one that grows and becomes the mother that carries and gives birth to all. They nurtured and sacrificed so much for life. If we allow them to be broken so early, the consequences can be huge.
Although, the Ministry of Women Affairs is expected to champion this cause, the plight of the girl-child is getting out of hands. The special need for education and medicare still falls short. The tendency to prey on them is on the rise and society appears not to notice.
The Tide thinks that the time has come when society must take responsibility for the girl-child and help build a saner society. Preventing the girl-child from abuses must be considered a high priority, and detailed laws and policies put in place to address it.
Different jurisdictions should develop their own definitions of what constitutes girl-child abuse and discrimination for the purposes of removing predicaments of the girl-child. In fact, the authorities must stop demonising sex and undertake early sex education with a view to demystifying it.
All forms of failure to act on the part of parents, organizations and governments that could result in death, serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse or exploitation must be avoided. Also, the girls must be allowed to grow among boys, especially, in co-educational institutions and provide the needed commonality among the sexes.
If the world can afford to give lip-service to human challenges, the burdens of the girl-child should not be treated as usual. It is a matter that cannot be left in the hands of government because to the extent government can go, the cultural, religious and social authorities should support and not otherwise.
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Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
