Opinion
The Many Troubles Of PHCN
The recent strike action by the National Union of
Electricity Employees (NUEE), leaves more questions than answers to the
problems plaguing the sector for the past many years.
Workers of Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN), and the
Federal Government were at loggerheads
over issues relating to plans to privatise the company.
A first-hand knowledge of the feud may make one wonder what
really is the truth as the tension that characterised the crisis was palpable.
The Zonal Organising Secretary of NUEE, Comrade Temple
Iworima, declared that the union was not
against moves to privatise the PHCN. Its grouse
with the Federal Government was over concerns arising from their
severance entitlements. A major point of disagreement is the whereabouts of money the PHCN management deducted from
salaries of workers over the years in the name of disengagement package.
The other point of contention is the workers’ aversion to
the amount the Federal Government intends to sell the PHCN with its assets and
liabilities, which they have described as a gross under-valve of the entire
assets.
But the main issue is the sudden disappearance of the super
annuation funds contributed by the workers which allegedly was about N300
billion.
But the government’s position on the matter leaves one in a
more confused state as to what the real questions are. The government thinks PHCN workers are a cog in
the wheel of progress of the privatisation process. What this implies is that the NUEE members are fighting against
efficiency.
A further stance of the government is to the effect that the
workers were not denied any entitlements neither were their salaries
slashed.
However, the conflict worsened when the Federal Government
on August 15, 2012, drafted soldiers and mobile policemen to PHCN premises in
Abuja. The action resulted in the shutting of the company to the workers who
were there to collect their severance packages.
I wonder why government at all levels uses soldiers to
intimidate Nigerians. This development is becoming our own version of
democracy. What was government’s intention for drafting those soldiers if not
to intimidate the workers? The use of soldiers or mobile policemen in
situations like this is unnecessary, particularly when lives and property are
not threatened.
If the reasons for
drafting soldiers to PHCN premises was to compel the workers to sign their
severance package as it was rumoured in some quarters, then I think the
government has some explanations to make. Soldiers, who are sustained with tax
payers’ money, have a duty to protect Nigerians from the numerous security
challenges they face daily and not to be used to intimidate them. PHCN workers,
like other Nigerians, have the fundamental rights to protest against injustice
and unfair treatment.
Any government policy that is inhuman is bound to impoverish
the people. If both the government and NUEE positions on the prevailing
contention will be taken for what they
are, why then the dispute? I think the whole issue degenerated to this point
because there was no communication flow between the two parties. Misinformation
was rife.
The truth Chairis that the 60,000 PHCN workforce is
unwieldy. The organisation has far more
support staff than the actual technical
people needed. And this was so
because in the past, each time PHCN advertised vacant positions for qualified engineers, the
powers-that-be would end up employing those who had nothing to do with
engineering. That is why the company has always suffered dearth of qualified
engineers. The situation was that bad.
But do we heap the blame on the workers, who did not employ themselves?
I am really concerned about the pervasiveness of the struggle
of PHCN staff. The workers’ restiveness is
not limited to Abuja alone. Some other PHCN formations have also
witnessed protests. Many of these protests bore placards with unpalatable messages.
In Port Harcourt, employees of PHCN began an industrial
action on August 10, 2012. Workers and customers were prevented from gaining
access to the company’s premises. Although the strike has been called of, it is
hard to predict when the next one will occur.
The Federal Government
should have acted in time to prevent the conflict. It ought to have
addressed all pending issues before embarking on the privatisation move. It is
erroneous to begin the privatisation when the workers had not got their dues.
It is immoral for the government to overlook the missing
super annuation fund to which over N300
billion has allegedly been contributed by the workers. Investigations have to
be conducted to determine its whereabouts.
I agree with the Minister of Power, Prof Barth Nnaji, that
such amount was unlikely to be contributed by the workers. It is either the
funds were not contributed or they have been
misappropriated.
However, I think all labour-related matters should be
settled in order not to stall the laudable privatisation programme of the
sector which has advanced considerably. Indeed, government’s undemocratic
action in the last few days casts aspersions on its sincerity with the
programme.
The controversial package remains the most important issue
in the government/NUEE negotiations
which has lasted more than 14 months. Therefore, this administration
cannot afford to fail in that respect.
Arnold Alalibo
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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