Editorial
That Bailout Call By Rice Farmers
Self-sufficiency in food production in Nigeria has for years, remained an elusive national aspiration in spite of the fact that successive federal governments have made it, or so claimed, to have it as key priority. Yes, the country had at various times embarked on projects such as Operation Feed The Nation (OFN) and Green Revolution (GR), yet, scarcity of food still persists in the country to the extent that most families are badly hit.
Obviously, such food crops such as rice, vegetable, yam and cassava have become the staple needs. Indeed, a number of indigenous corporate organisations have invested their resources into rice farming as a means of increasing the availability of the staple in Nigerian markets, but such efforts have failed to bridge the yawning gap between demand and supply of the essential staple.
The reasons for poor rice production in the country are not far-fetched. They include the non-availability of improved seedlings, lack of capacity utilization, poor funding, lack of encouragement, dearth of modern farming implements, crass lack of commitment by government, too much focus on the oil and gas industry, and inability to change from primitive to modern method of farming, especially mechanised farming, among others. All these factors have collectively hindered the ability of local rice farmers to produce sufficient quantity and high quality rice to feed Nigerians, and sustain the economy.
It is against this backdrop that we see the recent call by Rice Farmers Association of Nigeria (RIFAN) for a freeze in rice importation as a paradox of sorts. On the one hand, it should evoke the support of well-meaning Nigerians, who believe that increased local production would create more job opportunities for our youths, ensure food security and promote an alternative revenue source for the economy. On the other, the call deserves to be treated with caution in view of the fact that ban on importation of rice could subject the citizenry to a season of hunger and starvation, particularly as the potentials of the agricultural sector have not been fully tapped.
No doubt, self-sufficiency in local production of rice would provide the catalyst for the nation’s socio-economic development. However, every effort to encourage individuals and groups in the agricultural sector to improve their productivity, over the years, has not yielded the desired result for very obvious reasons.
We recall that a few years ago, same arguments being made now by RIFAN were made, which resulted in a provisional ban on rice importation. But shortly thereafter, government’s patriotic response had to be relaxed because the rice farmers could hardly fill the gap created by the ban, without the much anticipated increased production. Given the prevailing circumstances, it is difficult to see how RIFAN hopes to fill that gap now.
The Tide, therefore, urges the government to encourage not only rice farmers but others with a view to increasing their productivity by availing them improved crop varieties, and tax waivers as well as modern agricultural machines, to help boost commercial production. We also reckon that rice farmers, just like textile sector movers, need government bail-out to enable them meet the consumption needs of Nigerians, and if possible, for export. A mechanism should be put in place to ensure that only qualified and accredited farmers benefit from the government’s intervention measure.
Even so, we call on the three tiers of government to join hands with RIFAN to implement strategic policies that would add value to rice production, processing, distribution and marketing, and check the intermittent resort to the strategic reserves for the supply of grains in Nigeria. This way, we believe that the N23million contract awarded in 2009 by the Federal Government for the construction of small-scale rice processing centres in the country would make meaningful impact in the economy.
While The Tide believes that rice farmers can close the gap between demand and supply of the staple, if given the necessary encouragement, we also note that the farmers need to rededicate themselves to their calling by being productive, and avoid the pit-falls of the past. It is on this basis that we support the bail-out call by rice farmers. But not the canvassed ban on importation of rice, which in our view, shall be hasty.
Editorial
Strike: Heeding ASUU’s Demands
 
														Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
 
														When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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