Editorial
Beyond Ibru’s Conviction
At long last, Nigeria recorded a landmark conviction in the attempt at fighting corruption in all strata of society, particularly the banking sector. This followed last Friday’s ruling by Justice Dan Abutu of the Federal High Court in Lagos which sentenced Mrs. Cecilia Ibru, former managing director of Oceanic Bank International plc, to 18 months in jail on a three-count charge and ordered a forfeiture of her assets worth over N191 billion.
Nigerians, who have hailed this judgement are, however, disappointed that Mrs. Ibru will spend only six months in prison as her jail term runs concurrently. But they also appear to be consoled by the fact that she would give up a large chunk, if not all, of her loot.
Trouble started for the matriarch of the Ibru business empire when on August 14, 2009, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) released the names of five big banks which, it said, were in deep financial mess. These included Afribank, Finbank, Intercontinental Bank, Oceanic Bank and Union Bank.
The subsequent sacking by the CBN of the chief executives of these distressed banks and their relentless hounding by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) made some of them (Mrs. Ibru inclusive) to go underground. She was later nabbed by security agents while attempting to flee the country in her private jet.
Although the banking dame entered a plea bargain for which reason she was convicted on only three charges and given what appears to be a mild jail sentence, the EFCC’s initial charge list was said to have contained about 25 counts, all of which bordered on fraud and mismanagement.
In fact, the Oceanic Bank chief was accused of approving bank loans well above the authorised limits; siphoning funds to local and offshore accounts using names of cronies (including her nanny’s); converting official property to her private residence; owning a private jet worth $100 million; owning over 94 properties in the United States and Dubai; and having proprietorship of about 100 companies in Nigeria, among others.
For a woman who appeared to have held her own in the midst of many professional male bankers, Mrs. Ibru was easily seen as a perfect role model for the younger generation of female bankers. There was certainly no shortage of admirers even outside the banking sector. But where has all that led everyone given the recent turn of events?
Even though most Nigerian and foreign investors would have expected a lot more than the soft landing granted the ex-bank chief, The Tide thinks that her sentencing alone provides fresh hopes that those in whose hands public funds are entrusted do not convert them for their personal usage. The loot which is to be recovered from her and given to the newly established Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON) should serve as enough warning to others that the days are gone when bank executives became too lawless in the management of investors’ funds.
We also agree with the CBN Governor, Lamido Sanusi, that it is not a perfect conviction because if both the EFCC and the Federal Ministry of Justice had prepared a water-tight case against her, a plea bargain that handed down a mere six months jail term on each of such offences wouldn’t have been necessary.
This is why The Tide insists that the trial of all others should be pursued by both the EFCC and the Justice Ministry in a manner that provides no loopholes for such soft landing. They should be thorough, patriotic and, above all, open-minded knowing that the outcome of subsequent trials will play a key role in boosting investors’ confidence in the economy.
It is also instructive to salute Justice Abutu for summoning the strong judicial will of identifying an immediate useful channel for the forfeited loots. This is quite different from previous experiences where, the EFCC was allowed a percentage of any recovered loots while the remainder is hardly accounted for. The huge sums confiscated from the accounts of late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, former Inspector General of Police, Tafa Balogun, and former Governor of Bayelsa State, Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, readily come to mind.
Furthermore, we urge Sanusi to pursue, even harder, his latest reforms which seek to safeguard shareholders and depositors funds while also working towards ensuring that no bank executive remains in office beyond a ten-year tenure as a means of checking corruption in the sector.
Lofty as the intentions are, we are afraid that little will be achieved if the apex bank fails to recharge its Inspectorate Unit. Our apprehension is based on the fact that any fraudulent mind would hardly require as much as 10 years to ground a finance house. Only regular inspection and close monitoring by CBN officials can help to check such wanton theft from the banks.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
