Opinion
ASUU, FG: Who Is Fooling Who?
Emmanuel Ikpegbu
“The moment we begin to fear the opinions of others and hesitate to tell the truth that is in us, and motives of policy are silent when we should speak, the divine floods of light and life no longer flow into our souls,” so said Elizabeth C. Stanton.
For some weeks now, University students have been at home without lectures owing to a disagreement between the government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) over salary structure, university autonomy etc.
An inquisitive mind will always ask the unanswered question, who is fooling who? Are the parties in the crisis sincere in their arguments and claims? It is when our leaders try to answer this question that peace will return to our citadels of learning.
ASUU, a labour union of lecturers, organised its first strike action in 1992. The body was led then by Prof Esko Toyo, Prof Okonjo (the father of former Minister of Finance) and late Dr Ala Oni. The union says it can no longer fold her arms while our institutions of learning become shadows of their oldself.
During the 16 years of military dictatorship from 1983-1999, a chain of austerity programmes were in place. Education was relegated to the background.
Scholars like Omafume Onoge, Dipo Fashina, Asisi Asobie, Edwin Madunagu, Ade Ajayi, Toye Olorode, Biodun Jeyifo, Atahiru Jega, Idowu Awopetu, Mahmud Tukur, and Claude Ake, to mention but a few, made giant strides to save the system.
Sadly enough, during the period under review, corruption, profligacy and fiscal impropriety became the order of the day. Men could forge date of birth just to overstay in the civil service, add figures, short-change clients to claim public properties and literally buy degree certificates from the universities.
The painful part of the whole anormally was that the government was inconsiderate of the future of the nation. For instance, allocation to the education sector remained under 10 per cent of the countries budget leading to brain drain. As part of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), naira was devalued and public expenditures were arbitrarily cut down.
The country became so unconducive for education to thrive. While structures were dilapidating and tools wearing out, university workers watched helplessly.
One of Nigeria’s most sought-after scientists in 1999 and the hero of the computer, Philip Emegwali, captured the situation when he said.
“Devaluation restricted the amount of equipment and books that could be purchased. A University Professor that was earning $1,000 a month in 1980 now earns $50 a month and most were forced to emigrate.”
The government at that time saw education as a wasteful venture t hat could be waved aside. May be because they were not educated enough to know and understand the priceless value of education.
When the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) forced Nigeria to reduce public expenditures, Gen. Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida cut the education budget instead of the military budget.
At that time, both teachers and lecturers almost worked for free. The usual saying was that their reward is in heaven. Stock of unpaid salaries piled up whereas hundreds of millions of dollars, not even naira, were expended to import arms.
The sector fell into comma needing a revolutionary change to restore life back to it. Education and Health budgets in 1996 taken together, were less than the defence budgets.
A whooping N15billion was spent to maintain an 80,000-man army (while) less than 15 billion was spent to educate 60 million Nigerian school children.”
It is even more thought provoking to note that public expenditure on education was approximately 0.7 per cent in 1997. This included subsidies to the entire three-tiers of education. Primary, secondary and tertiary education got only seven per cent from the 2001 budget.
The immediate past administration of Olusegun Obasanjo spent over 80 per cent of the budget to run her incompetent bureaucracy.
The snag was not lack of fund in the country’s revenue, rather, the government was not ready to include education in its priority list. For instance, the Abuja National Stadium gulped a whooping $700 million at its completion whereas the budget on both education and health were far below that.
Unfortunately, there are fewer universities than the nation’s population. There are only 92 schools recognised by the NUC and how can these handful of varsities cater for the millions of students who seek admission yearly. No doubt, this has given rise to the everyday over-crowding nature of our schools.
Here and there, abandoned projects spread all over the campuses as the existing ones were left unattended to.
Ikpegbu wrote in from Imo State University, Owerri.
To be continued next week
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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