Opinion
Strengthening Democracy In Africa
Democratic principles and tenets are rarely institutionalised in Africa. This is because the votes of the people hardly count in deciding legitimate mandate for African leaders. Rather State institutions are usually deployed for the perpetuation of leaders in power, whereas the essence of government is the protection of the social welfare of the people.
Africa has long recognized the need for democracy as an instrument of rapid development. But what we are experiencing on some African countries today is a sit-tight democracy. The State apparatus are used against constitutional provisions to prolong the tenure of political office holders. This has always created political conflicts, political unrest and stagnation of rapid development envisaged by the people.
Examples abound in many African countries like Gambia, Equatorial Guinea, Burkina Fasso, Cameroun, Gabon, Zimbabwe, Libya, Egypt and Uganda, where African leaders do everything possible to perpetuate themselves in power.
The question is: How can the African continent move forward and fast-track development with such leaders who are dictatorial and antithetical to democratic tenets?
During the recent two-day meeting of Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa hosted by the government of Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe took over the chairmanship of the Union from President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya, Mugabe was quoted as urging Africans: “Let us make Africa a continent of opportunity for all its people by eliminating conflict”.
The pertinent question is: How can conflict be eliminated and opportunity come to Africa when some African leaders have ignored the values of democratic tenets and refused to accept change?
We can only make progress in Africa if our leaders recognize the necessity of change and accommodate divergent views that promote values of democracy.
In Zimbabwe for example, President Robert Mugabe has been in power for the past 29 years since he led his country to independence in 1980 from Britain; first as Prime Minister and later as President. The rate of human rights violation, economic mismanagement and suppression of political opposition has made Zimbabwe a pariah nation among comity of nations.
Also in Gabon, President Omar Bongo until his death few weeks ago, ruled his country for 42 years. His son, Ali Ben Omar Bongo, who is a former Foreign Minister of Gabon has even been chosen by the ruling party to succeed his father. This is what the civil society and opposition parties in Gabon are fighting to checkmate in the forthcoming presidential election.
In Ugandan, President Yoweri Museveni, a guerrilla veteran has been in power since 1986, while President Blaisses Compaore of Burkina Fasso came to power in 1987 after what was believed to be a mistaken execution of a great patriot, Thomas Sankara. These men are still in power with constitutional amendments and flawed elections.
In Libya too, Muamaar Al-Gaddafi has been in power since September 1, 1969 till date, while President Teodore Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea has also been in office since August 3, 1979. In Cameroun, President Paul Biya has also been in power since 1975 first as the prime minister under President Ahmadou Ahidjo before he became president on November, 1982 till date.
One distinguished trait of African leaders is their zealousness for constitutional amendments, while the fight against poverty, HIV/AIDS scourge, health and multifarious problems facing Africa have been relegated to the background.
Africa can only move forward into the 21st century with the rest of the world if our leaders can tackle the problems of the continent effectively. Transparency, accountability, good governance and zero tolerance for State corruption should be seriously institutionalized to enable African countries meet up with the rest of the world. And the earlier we do so, the better for us.
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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