Opinion
Nigeria’s Political Culture And Elections
The current global concern for Nigeria’s political growth has continued to call for a review of the nation’s , electoral system with its political culture. This was a major focus of Obama Administration during Acting President Goodluck Jonathan’s (now president) visit to Washington D C few weeks ago.
During a meeting with the United States Council of Foreign Relations, President Goodluck Jonathan promised to clean up the nation’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and to put credible people there who would raise the stake for a free and fair election in Nigeria.
This seemed fair and laudable indeed. But as experience has shown, it is one thing to declare an avowed intention for free and fair election and another to bring it to reality. One major constraint that has over the years continued to hinder our electoral system and success with democracy is our parochial or minimal political culture.
Anthropologists have identified three segments of a nation’s culture, namely behaviour patterns, artifacts and belief system. It is from these clusters of beliefs, attitudes and opinions that a nation’s political culture emerged. This is because political decisions are not made in a vacuum. They are made within the context of institutional arrangement that reflects the societal values, attitudes and political mores.
Political scientists look at it as shared values, attitudes, belie political institutions. The characteristics of a particular political culture are important variables in helping to answer some fundamental question about behaviour that leads to stability or instability of a country.
If we consider Machiavelli’s view of political culture and conduct of election and Mostesquieu’s conditions for democracy, we may raise a brow against Nigeria’s quest for a free and fair election. Machiavelli
believed that to have a sound political culture, the actual conduct of politics and the “moral habits” of citizens must coincide with the norms of behaviour prescribed by state’s constitution.
The 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria provides such condition. Embedded in it are: It universal Suffrage, representative government through competitive political party system, a presidential form of government based on the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances, to mention a few. All stable and successful democracies depend on these
But it is not enough to have these features in our constitution. Montesquieu provides a link between the constitution and value system. Looking at a democratic society, he concluded that its main features may not lie in any neat institutional arrangement but in the spirit or intention behind them, not in the laws but in the spirit of the laws.
By implication, the political parties which organise millions of citizens in terms of shared values, common identities and overlapping interests are the fulcrum for expressions of nation’s political will and for exercising this “spirit of the laws” They stimulate interest in politics and educate the public and the uninitiated about outstanding problems which require solutions. They crystallise opinion and create consensus and will that are the basis for conducting an election that should reflect the spirit behind the constitution.
But it is there that the good story often ends, When the party banners are carried into the political combat of election, it becomes a theatre of the absurd. The repetitive patterns of electoral violence, rigging, falsification of popular vote and disenfranchisement breathe hatred and alienation into the political arena.
This is further compounded by PDP’s dominance of our political party system, even though our constitution has no provision for one party state. This has gradually developed into a warped version of authoritarian democracy in which PDP has become intolerance of opposing opinions of other parties. It was worse during Obasanjo regime. Was it not then that we began to hear of do or die politics, a view of politics that disregarded the “general will” and constitutional provision?
What are the effects of this on our political culture? First, it has kept it on a cross road between subjective and parochial .Winning an election becomes a question of using corrupt method to deliver votes to the dominant or incumbent party. Secondly, citizens maintain passive relationship to the system because their votes don’t count. It cannot count when thugs unleash terror at voting centers, cart away ballot boxes and stuff them with fake voting cards. This keeps people from developing the right political attitudes and role that will make them loyal and patriotic.
I usually leave polling booth not in high spirit but in a state of shock or morbid gloom because like most voters I am powerless to exert any real influence in politics. I have been unable to determine who should rule me. Every election in Nigeria has been characterised by similar experiences: Is the procedure for transferring power from one government to another right?
Certainly, President Obama and members of his Council of Foreign Relations might have contemplated similar question. It was good that Acting President Goodluck Jonathan promised them an electoral reform that would swing Nigeria to the positive side of a true democracy.
Mr. Goodluck Jonathan has a lot more to do to guarantee that. Nigerians need a political transformation that will shift our political culture from its narrowness to an active and broad culture where voters would no longer be bullied out of the polling centers. We need a political culture in which people will see politicians working not for selfish or parochial interest but for the public good. We need a political culture that will help us develop the right political attitude and role for loyalty and patriotism. These will raise our political behaviour above the prevailing rigging, chaos, uncertainty and violence that raise global concern about our political culture.
Otonna rides in Port Harcourt.
Victor Otonna
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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