Editorial
Responding To Security Alert On Abuja
On 23 October 2022, the United States (U.S.) Embassy in Nigeria released an advisory to alert U.S. nationals in the country of possible terrorist attacks in Abuja, Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT), particularly at government buildings, places of worship and schools, among other ultrasensitive targets.
The authorities of the United Kingdom’s (U.K.) High Commission in Nigeria corroborated the threat alert. Following this warning, the U.K. High Commission in Abuja, a traditional beehive of activities for those seeking travel visas, has been left completely desolate while Australia, Ireland, and Canada reduced services and would only attend to critical needs.
Another warning reportedly came from the Irish government through its mission. It said: “Government buildings, shopping malls, hotels, bars, large gatherings, international organisations, transportation facilities, schools, markets, places of worship, and law enforcement institutions, among other things, could be targets”. As a result of these terror alerts, there is an unusual feeling of dread and apprehension among some FCT residents.
Terrorism is one of the world’s greatest security challenges. Predicting it is a vital part of the effort to counter it. Terrorist violence has worsened in Nigeria recently. The latest Global Terrorist Index ranks Nigeria as the sixth most terrorised country in the world. Abuja has been targeted for terrorist attacks severally, including the tragic 2011 Police Headquarters and United Nations Building incidents.
However, in a swift response to these terror alerts, the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, said Nigeria would not be stampeded by whatever any government decided to tell its people living in Abuja and parts of the country. He said the government had in the last few months taken a firm handle on security, urging citizens not to incite panic.
This is an unfortunate outburst. The Nigerian government is obviously downplaying the latest threat. Although it has called for calm, claiming to be doing something about the alarm. Perhaps the administration did so because it thought it needed to assert itself politically. No country likes to let a foreign entity define its national security situation. Even then, the government should take the terror alerts seriously, and adopt effective measures to protect citizens.
Even with assurances by the federal authorities, Nigerians are deeply sceptical about the capacity of the security agencies to protect them. For the U.S. to authorise the departure of some of its citizens indicates that the foreboding must be very gloomy. It is generally believed that since Abuja is the seat of power, it should be the most secured place in the country. That may be a drunken farce. The Kuje jailbreak shattered that myth and the faith of most residents.
The terror warnings are strategic intelligence that must be carefully processed and acted on to avert mortal danger. In intelligence science and practice, even a rumour matters. So, whether the basis of the terror alert is real or not, and regardless of the legitimacy or otherwise of its sources, the ultimate concern of the Nigerian government should be to put pragmatic measures in place to prevent any threat from occurring.
Unimaginably, despite the astronomic increase in our security budget and procurement of equipment to aid the intelligence network, it took the U.S. to expose plans by terrorists to attack our nation’s capital. This is an indictment of Nigeria’s security and the government. President Muhammadu Buhari must place a major premium on strengthening our intelligence-gathering capacity to end terrorists’ activities in the country.
Intelligence-gathering must not be seen as solely a task for law enforcement agencies. It is an undertaking that must involve every citizen and each community. The primary advantage that the government should have over insurgents is in intelligence collection; the ability to expertly assemble the pieces of various puzzles to be able to progressively contain and limit terrorism.
Also, the Federal Government should tighten security around critical infrastructure, and soft targets like schools and public places. These assets are so vital that the incapacity or destruction of any may have a debilitating impact on security, economy, health, safety, education, food and agriculture, environment, transportation, etc. Infrastructure is very crucial to the continued existence of any nation.
It is not just Abuja that the Federal Government has to protect. Every state in the federation should be shielded from terrorists. Armed insurgents could strike with little or no warning and target any state outside the Federal Capital Territory. Analysts have warned that insecurity could worsen as political parties campaign in the states for next year’s general election.
Given the nation’s insecure outlook, the states and the Federal Government should instil confidence in Nigerians in their ability to protect them. To this end, the country’s armed forces must provide the needed strategy to safeguard every Nigerian. To achieve this, emphasis must be put on the significance of the synergy between the military and other security agencies.
Fleeing inmates of Kuje Medium Security Correctional Centre remain a threat to national security. The security agencies have to act swiftly to rearrest them. Their recapture has gone beyond the correctional service. It is now left with the gallant members of the armed forces, other security agencies and intelligence operatives to comb the country thoroughly in search of them.
There is a real fear of danger across the land, notwithstanding the improvised arrangements citizens make to protect themselves. All the police and the government offer the public are lame excuses. And, viewed from Section 14 (2b) of the 1999 Constitution, which says: “The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government,” the pervasive security breaches expose Nigeria as a failing state.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.