Opinion
A Lesson From Kenya
The electoral body in Kenya conducted presidential election which was keenly contested by the incumbent vice president, Willam Ruto and the longest living opposition leader, Raila Odinga. The presidential election took place on Tuesday 9th August, 2022, across the length and breadth of Kenya. Voters elected the president, members of national assembly and senate, governors of Kenya and members of the 47 county Assemblies of Kenya as reported by Wikipedia.
Willam Ruto of UDA party with his running mate Rigathi, polled 7, 176,141 of votes cast while Raila Odinga of the ODM with his running mate Marth Karua, polled 6,941,930, votes cast. Willam Ruto, polled 50.49 per cent while Raila Odinga polled 48.85 per cent of the total vote cast.
It is worthy to note that general elections are held every five years. This is the third general election and the fourth presidential one since the promotion of the 2010 constitution. The incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta was not eligible for the third term, nor were two – term County governors as stated by the country’s laws. The 2022 election saw the lowest number of presidential candidates cleared since the multi – party system was implemented in 1992.
Indeed, the constitution of Kenya requires that a general election of members of parliament be held on the second Tuesday of August on every fifth year, which meant that the general election was scheduled for 9th August 2022. If Kenya is at war, the election can be delayed if a resolution is passed in each House of Parliament by at least two — thirds of all the members of the House. Such a resolution can delay the election by up to six months, and may be passed multiple times provided that the delays do not cumulatively exceed 12 months. Ruto initially fought alongside Odinga in 2007 when police crackdowns on protesters and clashes that turned into ethnic attacks killed more than 1,000 people in post – election violence, eventually promoting a new constitution to devolve power. Ruto teamed up with Kenyatta in 2013. Both Kenyatta and Ruto had been indicted by the International Criminal Court on crimes against humanity charges for their alleged role in orchestrating the post – election violence.
The cases later collapsed, with former ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda. In March 2018, President Uhuru Kenyatta and his former rival for the presidency, Raila Odinga, stunned the public when they shook hands and declared a truce after post – election violence in 2017 left dozens of people dead. Clifford Machoka was, appointed to organise the presidential and deputy presidential debates ahead of 9th August- 2022 polls. The debates were scheduled to run on the 11, 19 and 26 of July 2022 at Catholic University of Eastern Africa; and they were broadcast live across most television and radio stations, and their online platforms. The campaign season officially kicked off in May 2022 as clearance of electoral candidates continued. Although the presidential race was considered a two – horse, with two main opponents, Raila Odinga and William Ruto, George Wajackoyah of Roots Party of Kenya gained significant popularity among the electorate due to his radical measures to quell the ballooning public debt. Kenya Kwanza alliance led by Ruto held true to their initial campaign strategy by self-proclaiming themselves ‘as “hustlers” Calling Odinga a dynasty and a project of the outgoing government.
Odinga of Azimio – one Kenya Alliance branded Kenya Kwanza as an alliance of corrupiont since most of the leaders in the coalition are suspected accused, or convicted of corruption and other integrity issues. Odinga billed himself and his running mate, Martha Karue, as liberators, who fought for multiparty system, campaigned for the new regime in. 2002, and were proponents of 2010 constitutional dispensation.
On 28 July 2022, Ruto’s presidential running mate, Rigathi Gachague, was ordered by the Anti – Corruption Court to forfeit KSH202 million to the state, after it was determined the funds were proceeds of corruption. On 6 August, 2022, all candidates across all elective seats, made their final submission on different parts of the country.
By the end of clearance, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission {lEBC) gazetted a total of 16,098 candidates contesting 1, 882 elective slots. The results were announced at 6pm by the IEBC chairman, Watula Chebukati. All the candidates except Ralia Odinga appeared at the announcement; Odinga’s chief agent Saitabao Ole Kanchory announced that Odinga would not appear until his campaign could verify the results. Indeed, Odinga rejected the result and went to the Supreme Court to challenge the Presidential result which was in favour of William Ruto. Despite some major challenges, the electorate were conscious of the presidential election and participated actively in the election. At least for the first time, Post – election violence was not noticed as observed in the past. Thus, the Independent and Boundaries Commission of Kenya was able to work with network operators for smooth transmission of results. Therefore, in Nigeria let INEC be unbiased with its duties in terms of conducting free and fair elections. Nigerian electorate should also wake up and participate in the coming election in 2023.
By: Frank Ogwuonuonu
Ogwuonuonu resides in Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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