Opinion
Slave-Labour Economy
On page 6 of The Tide newspaper, Fri. Sept. 17, 2021, Professor Kingsley Moghalu, a former Deputy Director of the Central Bank of Nigeria, told us that over $600 billion of Nigeria’s money had been stolen since 1960. He is sad over that situation, like some other Nigerians are, which is his motivating desire to contest to be a president come 2023. Moghalu went on to tell us that corruption remains one of the biggest problems facing Nigeria, and also listed four measures necessary to fight the scourge.
Being an erudite economist, Moghalu would know how citizens react to a predatory and parasitic political economy deliberately put in place by caterpillars of the commonwealth. He would undoubtedly know what very wide income disparity in an economy can bring about, especially where the marginalised class of citizens gnash their teeth in silence. With a minimum income of N30,000 per month, Moghalu must be aware that there are Nigerians whose total monthly take-home is over N30 million; sans hidden incomes!
A slave-labour economy is captured in the common adage of “monkey working but baboon chopping”. Would any honest Nigerian deny that the Nigerian political economy operates on such predatory and parasitic foundation? While it may not be necessary to dig into the origin of how such foundation was put in place, any intelligent analyst would seek to dig out the engine of the Nigerian economy and those who hold it in monopoly. Docility of Nigerians may not continue for too long!
Clever schemes in a predatory and parasitic political economy are usually put in place in such a way that individual managers of the political and economic systems serve as mere yeomen or stooges. Being a professor, Moghalu must have supervised postgraduate projects and must also be aware of the role of a “blind reader”. A blind assessor evaluates what is brought before him to assess and within the context of academic culture. Academic culture trades on provable and quantifiable indices, such that what cannot be put in chapters and verses are not acceptable evidence.
So, the hide-and-seek game goes on and on, while naïve persons can be swayed by sanctimonious sermons as panacea for corruption. Four means of curbing corruption, according to Moghalu, include value system education and reform; leadership by example via accountability; punishment for corruption, and improvement in the reward system in public services. It is true that “many people steal in public life because they are afraid about their old age and whether they will have anything or a roof over their heads”.
When Senator Ben Murray Bruce once suggested an option of cutting down remunerations of political office holders in order to provide for a social welfare system, he was told to use his own allowances for that purpose. Another lawmaker had the audacity to say that their allowances were not enough for members of the National Assembly. Also a former state governor who later became a senator, went on to say that he was getting less as a senator than when he was a governor when all his needs were free.
When the umbrella body of Nigerian university lecturers (ASUU) cried out many years ago that Nigerian senators had remunerations four times what the President of USA earned, Nigerian masses did not go to the streets to protest. Nigerians did not protest because they knew what slave masters do to slaves who complain that they are hungry. When late Senator Francis Ellah raised a lone voice of protest in the Senate about a predatory structure that Nigerian lawmakers were putting in place, he was shouted down thanks to his Unfinished Motion.
It is not that a few Nigerians were not aware of what was going on in the Nigerian political economy since 1970, but the question is: who would fight a ruthless and vicious monster? Such a vicious titan or monster does not operate as an individual person but as an impersonal system foisted on a society through the instrumentality of state policies and programmes. An unsuspecting and naïve populace carry and endure the burdens of such chicanery, whereby lawmakers become the tools and agents of perfecting of the parasitic system. Do we have such?
We can see the excrescences and clever pattern of operation of the predatory and parasitic system in current issues of open grazing, PIA and VAT controversies where people can speak from two sides of their mouths. “Robbing Peter to pay Paul” is an idiom as well as a message, whereby those who are courageous to raise a voice of protest are called ugly names and their actions described as Satanic, idiotic, since they are seen as jokers who can be bought over. Truly, money has played a key role in the process of enslavement of the Nigerian masses.
Perhaps, the fault may not be in the stars but in ourselves, that we are such down trodden unaderlings or slaves to political and economic gangsters. A major tool used by gangsters is fear, through intimidation and braggadocio; thanks to proliferation of arms. Another tool is money, through which stubborn opponents can be bribed or bought over. Predators use the resources and opportunities provided by their target victims, to intimidate and hold them hostage. In the case of Nigeria, oil is the key resource.
It is important to state that the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) provided ample opportunity for the installation of a predatory and parasitic order of political economy. It came to stay and efforts being made currently to fight the monster is what we call war against corruption. Truly, corruption is not the fundamental issue but a living vestige of an institutionalised slave-labour economy. Therefore, Professor Moghalu, even as a President of Nigeria, would be fighting against an invincible monster which he cannot root out.
Add all these issues to the fact that Nigeria’s current total national debt stands at N35.5 trillion, not including other hidden commitments that are not made public. Then why do we have invincible “bandits” that cannot be beaten by the colossal might of the nation? Obviously, something is fishy somewhere, and Nigerians should be asking questions. Among such questions should be: who are the predators and slave masters who hire bandits to keep the status quo intact? And for whose benefits? At the end of the day, we can go the way of Afghanistan! End of story! Moghalu’s nation-building mission aside!
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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