Opinion
Partnering The Media For Dev
People, especially the elitist in developed climes inclusive, have always leveraged on the necessity of the media to push issues of concern and public interest through. The media remain a veritable ally in the titanic struggle for good governance and end to repressive military regimes, unpopular constitutional democratic administrations and anti-people policies and programmes. However, not without negative consequences that more often than not results in sealing off of media organisations, harassment, litigation, imprisonment and murder of practitioners as was the unfortunate fate of Dele Giwa, the then Editor-in-Chief of NewsWatch Magazine. The Media are not only one of the oldest human institutions for civilising society as an agent of socialisation, they are also the strongest and loudest voice of the people, moulding public opinion, providing platform for public discourse and are constitutionally and statutorily obligated to holding government-stewards of the resources of the people in trust, to be accountable to the people.
No doubt the media are an invaluable asset for both government and the governed. The media are inextricably tied to governance, like the snail and its shell so much so that separating them will make each of them languish for want of the other because of the core values of effective communication through informative, educative and entertaining roles. The third president of United States, Thomas Jefferson was one of the world’s earliest political leaders to declare his admiration, and advocacy for media governance. Writing from Paris to Edward Carrington, who Jefferson sent as a delegate to the Continental Congress from 1786-1788, on the importance of Free Press to keep government in check, the media-friendly Jefferson said quite unambiguously (as quoted from his Correspondence volume 5), if he had to “choose between a Government without Newspapers or Newspapers without Government I should not hesitate a moment to choose the latter”.
According to him, the people are the only censors of their governors: and even their errors will tend to keep these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these errors too severely would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of the people is to give them full information of their affairs thro’ the channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the people. The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers and be capable of reading them”.
Unfortunately, some anti-press government have either tried to or even shut down media houses by coercion, obnoxious and unpopular legislation and lack of funding of Government-owned media houses. It is not saying a new thing that most Government media houses have not been able to survive the excruciating challenge of inadequate or lack of funding by their owners. Today, most Government-owned media houses across the country, are moribund and their staff redundant. But did the government know that their media organisations remain their megaphones, propaganda machineries and effective channels for programme and policy transmission to the people in a democratic regime where opposition is an integral part of governance? In fact the media are the de facto public relations department of Government. They sell, amplify programmes and policies of government to the people. To say it is not well with most Media Houses because of lack of operational funds, is an understatement. For instance, in the past 16 years of democratic leadership in Rivers State, state owned media houses have been struggling to survive because of lack of funding even with well qualified and professional managements.
The Rivers State Newspaper Corporation, founded in 1971, publishers of The Tide Group of newspapers, Rivers State Broadcasting Corporation, airing on the frequency modulation of 99.1 and the Rivers State Television Authority, eke out their publication and transmission respectively, through precarious means of internally generated revenue. This explains why production, and circulation by the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation (The Tide) and transmissions by the Rivers State Broadcasting Corporation and the Rivers State Television Authority, are inadequate thus making them perform far below their capacity despite the creme of trained and qualified staff and management teams. These State-owned media houses established to propagate the programme and policies of the state government as well as the views of the people of the State have performed meritoriously and creditably well, serving as the Government and People’s voice.
Recall the role the State Media organisations during the Rivers State and Imo State protracted legal boundary dispute during the administrations of Chief Melford Obene Okilo of Rivers State and Dr. Sam Mbakwe of Imo State. Through their transmitted vociferous comments and published editorials, the world was abreast of the well articulated position and claims of Rivers State Government over ownership of the disputed border areas. Judgment was delivered on the legal tussle in favour of Rivers State. This judgment which became precedent for the Supreme Court judgment over the contentious claim of oil wells, by the Abia State (created from Imo State) and Rivers State has given advantage to Rivers State as a major oil State and a beneficiary of the 13 percent Derivation fund. Rivers State Media Houses should be celebrated for such uncommon feats.
Though like the shoe shinner, State Media Houses have more often than not been chuckled aside on a whim for the other media organisations. “Charity”, they say, “begins at home”.What is good for the goose is also good for the gander. Peter should not be robbed to pay Paul because he that labours deserves his wages. Even the Lord Jesus warned, “Do not muzzle the ox that treads the corn”. Consequently, I appeal to the present administration in the State, led by Sir Siminalayi Fubara to positively respond to the plight of State Government-owned media houses by providing the enabling environment for enhanced productivity. This, our reformer, visionary and purpose-driven Governor Fubara can do, by providing the necessary facilities, conducive work environment through adequate funding and employment of manpower to cushion the depleted workforce due to retirements and deaths. As veritable partners in achieving the policy thrust of any Government, Media houses owned by the State should be factored into the government’s reform agenda and their workers given incentives for motivation.
Igbiki Benibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
-
Business4 days agoCBN Revises Cash Withdrawal Rules January 2026, Ends Special Authorisation
-
Business4 days ago
Shippers Council Vows Commitment To Security At Nigerian Ports
-
Business4 days agoFIRS Clarifies New Tax Laws, Debunks Levy Misconceptions
-
Business4 days agoNigeria Risks Talents Exodus In Oil And Gas Sector – PENGASSAN
-
Politics4 days agoTinubu Increases Ambassador-nominees to 65, Seeks Senate’s Confirmation
-
Sports4 days ago
Obagi Emerges OML 58 Football Cup Champions
-
Business4 days ago
NCDMB, Others Task Youths On Skills Acquisition, Peace
-
Sports3 days agoFOOTBALL FANS FIESTA IN PH IS TO PROMOTE PEACE, UNITY – Oputa
