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Buhari’s Parting Gift

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3 years ago

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Finally, what started during the Iranian crises of the 70s as a cushion for Nigerians now has a definitive expiring date – June 2023. It all started in the days when a dollar exchanged for around 80 kobo, and Nigeria produced almost all her needs, including cars. During those years of the windfall, all our refineries were producing, such that the country even exported petroleum products. In those days, brake pads, tires, and windshields were manufactured here, and our refineries were working. But that was some eons ago when patriotic Nigerians were allowed to roam freely, making their marks in every industry. Over the years, the issue of fuel subsidy has turned out to be a controversial public policy. In recent times, the issue of fuel subsidy in the annual budget has transformed into a national headache that only borrowing can assuage. From the outset, fuel subsidy was never meant to be normative, but then, corruption was not a thing in Nigeria at that time. However, since that time, multi-faceted corruption has gradually but surely hemmed Nigeria in on every side: corruption in the NNPC, as well as corruption in the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, and of course, general corruption in every past administration to date. Due to corruption the country now survives only on the oxygen of debt.

Last year, there was uproar when the NNPC made a request of N3 trillion from the Ministry of Finance to cover fuel subsidy for 2022, but the lack of transparency in terms of how N2.565 trillion was spent for the same policy between January and August 2022 has only been met by an unholy silence. Surprisingly, the projected spending in the 2023 budget from January to June is a whooping N3.36 trillion – clearly, this is not sustainable by any stretch, and experts, politicians, and even ordinary  Nigerians agree. Nevertheless, this humongous figure deserves interrogation. For instance, what is our daily petrol consumption? To put this question into its proper context, consider the response of the comptroller-general of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Hammed Ali during an appearance before the House Representative Committee on Finance on the 2023-2025 medium-term expenditure framework and fiscal strategy paper (MTEF/FSP) in September, he said: “The issue is not about the smuggling of petroleum products. I have always argued this with the NNPC. If we are consuming 60 million litres of PMS per day by their own computation, why would you allow the release of 98 million litres per day? If you know this is our consumption, why would you allow that release?”

“So, how did you get to 60 million litres per day? That is my question. The issue of smuggling, if you release 98 million litres in actual and 60 million litres are used; the balance should be 38 million litres. How many trucks will carry 38 million litres every day?” In this response lies the crux of the matter, because this high volume of consumption forms a major plank of the government’s argument. The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) had put Nigeria’s daily consumption of premium motor spirit (PMS) at 66 million litres as of September 2022, but in May 2022, the NNPC reported a daily consumption of 93 million litres. Is the difference reconcilable? I doubt. In recent memory, the time of Dr. Ibe Kachukwu as Minister of State for Petroleum Resources was the only time, Nigerians saw a semblance of transparency in daily fuel consumption figures.

These ghost figures lend credence to the idea that petroleum industry cabals and the Nigerian rich are the only ones benefitting from the current subsidy regime. Conversely, should the poor suffer because of criminal-minded oil tycoons? This columnist is in full support of the removal of fuel subsidy to forestall a state where Nigeria becomes insolvent. However, out of laziness or outright wickedness, previous governments, and Buhari’s government in particular, have been unable to put structures in place that would seamlessly ease the country into an era of full deregulation. Besides, deregulation should be orchestrated in such a manner that the poor are protected against monopolies and oligopolies. All political parties and the majority of people in decision-making positions in the country agree that the current subsidy regime is untenable. All the Presidential Candidates have voiced their commitment to remove fuel subsidy if elected, to this end, former Vice President, and Presidential Candidate of the PDP, Atiku Abubakar was saying he would do away with fuel subsidy in 100 days if elected. In light of the 2023 budget, Atiku’s commitment is inconsequential, in that the outgoing president has already done the heaving lifting. But, at what cost?

According to the Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed: “The plan is, by June 2023, we must have completely exited subsidy, and it has to be gradual.” So, how gradual has it been since last year? In fact, Nigerians have been witnessing a gradual suffocation thanks to Buhari and his team. The gradual suffocation is intended as a prelude to NNPC’s projection that fuel would sell at around N462/L when subsidy is removed in June 2023. However, with all the comparisons that have been made in the past regarding the price of fuel in neighboring countries, a reasonable estimate might be N700. It is an irony, that a man who, eight years ago as a private citizen commented that fuel subsidy do not exist, is ending the same policy after spending more than N10 trillion during his tenure. So, did he lie in 2015, or, was it a case of finding oneself in the belly of the beast (cabal)? We may never know.

At the minimum, before the Federal Government can remove fuel subsidy importation should have been away with. At least, the Port Harcourt Refinery that is being refurbished, and the newly built $19 billion Dangote refinery must have started production. Secondly, the Gas – to – Fuel policy conceived in 2020 by the Buhari administration ought to have been completed, or accelerated. Thirdly, mass transit systems ought to have been deployed in every major city (Lagos is already light years ahead of most major Nigerian cities in this regard). This was the ‘Change’ we expected when Buhari won in 2015. Then again, has he actually failed, or is he plain wicked? If you follow the news the way I do, you might notice that something does not add up. For example, the 650, 000 bpd Dangote refinery was projected to be completed in the third quarter of 2022, but that date has been moved to mid-2023. Interestingly, at full capacity, the refinery can produce up to 50 million litres of petrol per day. Secondly, Phases 1 and 2 of the rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt Refineries will restore a processing capacity of 189,000 bpd as of December 2023 which will inject more than 14 million litres per day. Thirdly, some modular refineries are already producing. Undoubtedly, this might sound like a conspiracy theory, but numbers don’t lie.

Clearly, the NNPC monopoly is being primed to give way to the oligopoly of Dangote and BUA in the petroleum industry. Ordinarily, there is nothing wrong if these Nigerian giants are the major players in the petroleum downstream, except that since the deregulation of the cement industry, their activities in the industry have not been very favorable to Nigerians in general. For instance, a 50kg bag of cement sold for as low as N2000 in 2014, and then N1500 in 2015. However, since that time, the price of cement has continued on an upward trajectory to its current price of N5000 per 50kg bag even though the product is manufactured in Nigeria with Nigerian raw materials. Another case in point is the unbundling, and deregulation of the power sector; a situation where supply is epileptic and quality of service remains abysmal, yet Nigerians are compelled to bear unmitigated tariff hikes and humongous electricity bills. Sincerely, had President Buhari made good on his promises, subsidy removal would have been a non-issue. Sadly, with half-truths, and ineptitude his administration has thrown the millions who voted for him under the bus.

Indeed, President Buhari has brought change, albeit a retrogressive kind that is virtually hard to imagine considering where the country was in 2015 and the fact Nigerians did not put up a fight in petroleum pricing. His failure reminds me of my good-natured History teacher, Mr. Similalayim Jaja, who was fond of retorting, “If you don’t know it, you don’t know it” during his tests. Apparently, his promises in 2015 were irredeemable promissory notes at best, but removing fuel subsidy after eight years without getting the refineries to work, or improving mass transit systems in the country is the worst parting gift.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

4 weeks ago

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March 30, 2026

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Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”
Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.
Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.
The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.
One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.
In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.
Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.
Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.
Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.
Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.
The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.
On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.
In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.
IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.
By:  Ivara Favour Isaac
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Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

4 weeks ago

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March 30, 2026

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Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”
In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.
They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.
 However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.
History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.
 For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”
 Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it.  Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough
. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Bazia  EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

1 month ago

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March 23, 2026

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Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”
The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.
Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’  welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.
Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.
 Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.
While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.
Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.
For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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