Opinion
Why Alter Retirement Bars?
At the time of harmonising the country’s previously fragmented public sector retirement policy to the mandatory 60 years of age or 35 years of active and unbroken service (whichever comes first), not a few Nigerians saw the new bars as ideal and quite cerebral.
But not long after its implementation, some professional associations and labour unions began agitations for an exception from those figures based on what they considered as their members’ specialised training and specific job peculiarities. Some even threatened an industrial showdown as a way of arm-twisting the government to accede to their demand.
Among the earliest to be granted such sector-specific exception are high court judges and senior government lawyers whose retirement was reviewed upward to 65 years of age or 40 years of service even as a new bill is currently being proposed to further raise the age bar for their Lordships to 70.
Closely following on the heels of the nation’s senior judges are university and polytechnic lecturers for whom the compulsory retirement age and service years limits were also lifted to 65 and 40 years, respectively. Professors, it was learnt, have the option to pull out at 70, after a written notification to that effect.
Other civil servants who recently joined this elite group are primary and secondary school teachers whose new package even went beyond the 60/35 ceiling to include enhanced remuneration. The details are now being worked out by the relevant federal agencies. And guess what; just last month, the government also approved a similar package for health workers with the retirement age for medical consultants now pushed to 70.
In fact, there is hardly any labour group that is not requesting for its workers to be considered for such extensions. Of particular interest here is the style employed by the Clerk and senior staff of the National Assembly (NASS).
During the two-day zonal Public Hearing on the Proposed Alteration to the Provisions of the 1999 Constitution held in Enugu, it was reported that a legal firm, Alpha and Rohi, through its Managing Partner, Mr. Adeola Adedipe, delivered a position paper calling for a similar extension of retirement age and service years for NASS senior staff.
As part of his submission, Adedipe was said to have noted that parliamentary support service and legislative management is a specialised field that is developed over time. Hear him: “Undoubtedly, training and retraining of staff members over time, is an investment, the benefit of which must be maximised.
“As such, staff members that have gradually acquired the requisite skills and competence should be nurtured and retained in order to optimise the investment by government in them (as long as they are capable and productive).
“This, of course, is contrary to the current culture of discarding our experts at the very age when their skills and often laboriously acquired competence ought to be recognised as asset, exploited and deployed for the benefit of the country.”
According to the report, the firm’s position was also pushed at the Akure, Bauchi, Kaduna, Minna and Port Harcourt centres of the public hearing. The interesting thing about this presentation is not only that it mirrored the kind of arguments that were made by each of the above-named beneficiary groups, but that it had been replicated at the other zonal centres to acquire the semblance of a nationwide clamour.
Come to think of it, are those attempting to push up their retirement age as to stay longer in service not aware of the large army of unemployed Nigerian graduates out there in society? Notwithstanding the level of professional competence and experience acquired, I am not convinced that any office will shutdown at the retirement or sudden demise of its occupant.
If any worker is such a wizard on the job that he becomes so indispensable, then let him first retire and be re-engaged as a consultant rather than push for an extension of the retirement age. Again, it is annoying to observe that the same workers who claim specialised trainings and job peculiarities are already beneficiaries of well enhanced special salaries and perquisites to reflect such. So, why still ask for retirement age and service years’ raise?
Honestly, the kinds of arguments on which retirement extensions have been based in Nigeria can only be tenable in countries that lack indigenous manpower like Canada and the oil-rich Persian Gulf states. And certainly not a nation like Nigeria that is reeking of unemployed school leavers.
It may be argued that government is not the only source of employment for our numerous job seekers; but it is also correct to say that private firms are already emasculated by years of economic meltdown and are, therefore, continuously shedding workers as a survival strategy. Micro and small-scale initiatives are not also appetising alternatives due to lack of venture capital, multiple taxation, unreliable electricity, high costs of fuel and other raw inputs. This is in addition to unforeseen hiccups like lockdowns, curfews and social media restriction necessitated by the COVID-19 pandemic, worsening insecurity and the recent ban on Twitter.
Given that most of the states have not employed new workers for so long, it will be safe to say that the present civil service across the country is dominated by highly experienced but tired hands who are also reluctant to quit the stage for fear of the usual agonies of retirement.
The way things are going, it is possible that a 75-year old civil servant with a broken service record and whose age may have been understated at below 70 in the official biometric database will still be working while his 30-year old graduate grandchild roams the streets in search of employment. Haba! But wouldn’t that be sheer wickedness?
Government should please engage young hands and quit granting requests for extension of retirement bars.
By: Ibelema Jumbo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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