Opinion
Our Bullion Van Democracy
The process of decline and degeneration of human societies usually follow certain patterns, one of which is the hysteria and clamour of the masses who are often myopic. Mass hysteria usually comes about through working up sentiments and passions of the “madding crowd” by some interest groups. Mischief mongers know this psychology of mass hysteria and then use it as a means of causing social derailment. This pattern of social mischief is not new but an ancient one, ranging from the clamour for “crucify Him”, to a Nazi war cry: “Fuhrer, command, we will follow you”. Hysteria bears little or no conviction!
The doctrine of social and cultural dynamics, propounded by Professor Sorokin, states that the rise and fall of nations and power structures follow some definite patterns. One of Sorokin’s theories is that getting to the top of might and power is easier than sustaining the status and position; rather, hubris is an indicator that a sad decline would follow. Hubris is not just great and unreasonable pride, but it takes various clever guises, including clownish humility or obsessive paranoia. The pressure of positions of power usually bring about some strange mental aberrations.
Power is not usually an individual affair, even in a monarchy. In the modern times, getting to power demands the utilisation of mass hysteria as well as the building up of a power structure, via the aid of a cabal or influence peddlers. What political parties do in a democracy is usually the building up of some power structure and buying the support or loyalty of the masses, even if it is fake and hypocritical.
In a polity devoid of strong ideologies, exploitation of mass hysteria is usually the strategy which serves as gateway to power. One of the ready strategies used to create a crowd ready for exploitation is a political economy which institutionalises mass hunger, want and social deprivations. Thus “stomach infrastructure” has come to be a common political slogan in the service of political power game. Thanks to “money bags and godfathers”, the politics of stomach infrastructure has come to be a common practice in Nigeria.
Former Deputy National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Bode George, was recently quoted as congratulating the people of Edo State for rejecting what he called bullion van democracy. The Tide newspaper of Monday, September 21, 2020, captioned that news as “Obaseki’s Victory: Edo People Rejected Bullion Van Democracy- Bode George”. Obviously, the idea of bullion van has to do with delivery of large sums of money, but in relation to democracy, it is not delivery to or from banks, but to influence elections. According to Chief George, Edo people were “bold and brave” enough to reject “bullion van democracy and outside interlopers”. Bullion van democracy is an exclusive cult of money-bags.
By “outside interlopers” Chief George meant “undemocratic forces” whose dark schemes and intrigues pervert democracy via the use of “bullion van” strategy. Such outside interlopers or undemocratic forces succeed in their schemes through the use of the malleable crowd as well as other agencies via the use of the “good soldier” that money is. Bullion van is synonymous with money while interlopers may include powerful godfathers.
Sorokin’s theories of social and cultural dynamics included the fact that money, apart from being a good soldier, is also a lubricant which makes the decline of a society possible. Money as a lubricant usually facilitates corrupt practices and consequently the fall and decay of kingdoms and power structures. Therefore, bullion van democracy is an idiom in Nigeria’s political economy, the same way “stomach infrastructure” points towards the use of hunger and poverty as means of making the hungry masses politically malleable.
Maslow’s theory of the hierarchy of human needs recognizes the prepotency of lower or basic needs which are usually of greater concern to the masses. There is no way that a poor and hungry man would show great concern on abstract ideals of democracy when a bullion van democracy addresses his stomach infrastructural need. So, power-hustlers and wheeler-dealers in god-father politics are expert psychologists in dealing with the poor and hungry masses. Coupled with the level of illiteracy and ignorance in Nigeria, it is doubtful if the masses can hold strong personal convictions and commitments on ideologies of democracy.
Higher needs having to do with self actualisation and nobler strivings and values, often come after basic needs of survival in a hostile world have been satisfied. Higher demands of an ideal life which democracy seeks to facilitate, are not the prepotent needs or concerns of the poor masses. This is where the doctrines of stomach infrastructure and bullion van democracy come in, which provide ample strategies for the patrons of politics of gangsterism -a do-or-die activity of money bags.
Bullion van democracy is the politics of the stomach, whose patrons are power merchants and whose foot soldiers are the hungry masses. Politics of the stomach represents politics of anti-democratic forces whose concern is crude power, fired by greed, avarice and material goals. Its strategy is the use of money to buy the crowd, via the use of gangsters. It is obvious that in an environment where a larger majority of the population are poor and ignorant, the use of gangsters and money can subvert the ideals and choices of a minority class of articulate citizens.
Masters of this strategy of using force, money and cunning to grab political power in a democracy are the anti-democratic forces who are usually powerful and rich persons. They include godfathers or sponsors of political aspirants, influence peddlers who also constitute a cabal or faceless powers behind the official power holders, and men of brute force who can be hired to carry out gangsterist operations. There are usually mercenaries in every society and in every sphere of human activities who can carry out dirty and dangerous jobs for a fee, without any obtrusion of the conscience.
Bullion van democracy as an idiom goes further to serve as an indictment on the political class and power merchants. One of the antics of politicians is to point fingers at the malfeasance of their rivals even when they engage in worse practices. Even though “Bullion van democracy” was coined with reference to the last Edo State election, it is obvious that the practice had been there long before now.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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