Editorial
Boko Haram: One Massacre Too Many

The recent gruesome killings of 43 rice farmers in Zabarmari Community in Jere Local
Government Area of Borno State by the Boko Haram terrorists debunk the pretentious claim by the Federal Government that it is winning the war against terror. More than 10 years after it initiated its violent campaign to found a caliphate in Nigeria, the insurgents remain a deadly force against the Nigerian state.
When the news of the carnage broke, panic and commotion gave way to anger over the way the insurgents operated unchecked for a long period despite the ongoing military onslaughts on them. Sources in Borno State said 76 persons were murdered in all, apart from those abducted.
Soon after the incident, condemnatory statements came in from everywhere. The United Nations, Pope Francis and aid organisations were among those disgusted at the heart-rending attacks on innocent farm workers. State governors sent out messages and visited their Borno State counterpart, Babagana Zulum. We are overly tired of the customary denunciations. Can they end the war? Certainly not.
Though the killings of the rice farmers impinged on the very profundities of humanity, senseless atrocities by Boko Haram have been characterised by treachery and deceit. Last October, the implacable extremists drenched the irrigation fields near Maiduguri with the blood of 22 farmers in two separate incidents.
Like all Islamist sects, Boko Haram mutates, carrying out overwhelming raids on soft targets or exploding IEDs as it delights. Between July and November this year, Zulum’s convoy was assaulted on three occasions despite the heavy security around him. Soldiers, police officers, members of the Civilian Joint Task Force and civilians were slain in those attacks.
Boko Haram has caused much trepidation and destruction to Nigerians. The New York Times reported on September 13, 2019, that Islamist extremists were better armed and had more advanced weapons than the less enthusiastic Nigerian military. it is difficult to understand why the government has failed to procure weapons from any country willing to assist in ending the festering savagery.
Already, following constant attacks on farmers, there is a palpable fear of food insecurity as farmers and the over two million people displaced are afraid to return home and to their farms. According to international sources, the jihadists have flagrantly killed 36,000 persons. Former Borno State Governor, Kashim Shettima, however, generously put the death toll at 100,000.
Ekiti State Governor and Chairman, Nigerian Governors’ Forum, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, recently claimed that some of the insurgents that escaped from the Boko Haram territory are the ones operating as bandits in the Northwest, while some of them are involved in the kidnapping currently pervading the Southwest as well as the atrocities by herdsmen.
The reality is that the Federal Government is unable to withstand Boko Haram’s firepower and bloody campaign. Rather, it still lives in the past, endlessly referencing the initial success it achieved when it assumed power in 2015 by retaking the local government areas under the control of the insurgents in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States.
In the intervening period, the terror group has become more ferocious, attacking military formations at will and confiscating high calibre weapons. It solidified its firm grip over the Lake Chad Basin area, inducing a coalition by Chad, Niger and Cameroon against it, but Nigeria suffers the most drastic tolls in the group.
The military’s lacklustre performance in the war has led to widespread calls by Nigerians for the sack of the service chiefs and replace them with new ones with fresh ideas and solutions. But such calls have always been rebuffed by the President for reasons known to him. We make similar calls for their sack because they are bereft of new ideas to tackle insurgency.
This conflict is one of the biggest blights drooping on the conscience of the country’s leadership. It may never end because it mimics aloofness from Buhari and his commanders. The war is uncoordinated and purposeless, prompting even the Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, to admit to a longer duration of insurgency ahead.
Things have to change. President Buhari should be in sync with reality. Beyond his condemnation ritual, Nigeria’s Commander-In-Chief has to move out of his comfort zone and take real charge of the battle to see what goes on and stop relying solely on briefings. He should emulate Chadian President, Idriss Déby, who has led wars against Boko Haram on several occasions when his country was attacked.
All hope is not lost. With a reinvigorated objective, Nigeria can put an end to Boko Haram, but upon the condition that the present administration must be strategic. Haunted and devastated by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2014, Syria and Iraq turned to the West for succour. By the end of 2019, a Western coalition led by the United States had wiped out ISIS completely.
If the truth must be told, Nigeria cannot win this war on its own. The President has to go all out and attract greater international assistance if he is serious about defeating Boko Haram, which also has foreign backing from other terrorist groups like ISIS and a few countries.
Hence forward, captured Boko Haram suspects should be prosecuted. They should not be granted amnesty as is presently the case. Lately, the United Arab Emirates convicted six Nigerians for funding terrorism with $782,000. That is the way to go. Employing financial intelligence, Buhari should track and uncover the backers and financiers of insurgency, bringing them to justice.
There is an urgent need for Nigeria to restore its alliance with Cameroon, Chad and Niger, taking the lead with human and military resources. The coalition has to work together to hold down regained territories long enough to pare the insurgents’ influence. Also, the prolonged issue of insufficient weapons and corruption in the prosecution of the war should be settled forthwith.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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