Opinion
I’ll Like To Be A School Proprietor
A deluxe friend of mine onetime advised that if I must make it fast in life, I should establish a school or a church. But I promptly reminded him that I neither had the anointing nor a call from God to establish a church and possibly pastor it. Initially, it did not make sense to me why he added school to the directory of fortune-spinning outfits.
But later the idea became clearer. I now appreciate why my friend specifically referred to church and school. These are the two major establishments in this country which proliferation is rarely regulated. Both organisations relish many things in common. The distinction is that one is religious, while the other is mundane.
Talk about the church, it is ubiquitous. So are schools, particularly privately-owned schools. But if churches are established to navigate us through a more healthy spiritual relationship with our maker and grant us good morals in return, what is the unregulated accretion of schools designed to achieve in our society? Cheap education quality? Perhaps.
This remains the albatross of the education sector in Rivers State. There are too many illegal private schools in the state, many of which simply propose illiteracy, not education. My anguish is even with the recent re-accreditation of private schools by the Nyesom Wike government, the unfortunate predicament goes on unabated.
These sub-standard schools emerge daily, and because the possessors of the schools operate in an unregulated environment, they site the institutions at squalid or deformed locations, which are unconducive for learning. They often refer to those locations as temporary. But the truth is many of them expend longer time than necessary at such niches. They eventually transform into permanent sites.
Unfortunately, these so-called school sites are without space and playgrounds. Some of them are glorified one-room accommodation. During break time, the children have nowhere to exercise themselves. For this reason, their teachers compel them to remain in the classrooms all the time.
Can anyone assimilate that kind of situation? Your child or ward arrives school just about 7 am. And they remain seated till 4 pm, the time many private schools close for the day after undergoing what they call ‘’lesson” (another artifice to extort money from parents).
Is that not the reason many of these children whimper painfully each morning they are woken up to be readied for school? Yes, they bawl because they bethink the several hours of confinement in the class. When the kids evoke how their teachers attend their frustration on them, especially in those schools where severe canings hold sway, they give their parents or guardians literal blitzkrieg each day before departing for school.
Play is as congenital to children as food. I cannot envisage a school where children lack ample space to play. It tantamounts to suffocating them. But the point is who approves these schools? If they are unapproved, why haven’t their proprietors been sanctioned all the while or even get the schools closed down outrightly?
It comes across that something must be amiss somewhere. Somebody must be making a quick deal with the registration or otherwise of private schools in the State. I don’t have to admonish anyone that Rivers State has clear legal provisions on how private schools should emerge.
Section 1, sub-section (1) of Education (Private Schools) Law in the Laws of Rivers State of Nigeria 1999 is explicit on that. That section reads thus: “No person shall establish, carry on, conduct or keep a private school or institution unless the school or institution has been duly registered under this law”.
It, therefore, beats my imagination why a clarion legal provision on how privately-owned schools should be established in the state is discounted by some school proprietors. Is this not a copious ground for the state Education Ministry to descend heavily on these illegal school owners that dot every nook and cranny of the state?
Those with gnostic eyes don’t need to be told the reason for the frequent deliquescence by the supervisory authorities. Illegal schools don’t thrive in the state without the conspiracy of some Ministry of Education officials. I have no foreboding that these officials are compromised by desperate proprietors to ignore some of their reversals, particularly those which the law prescribes as mandatory before registration. That is why illegally operated private schools flourish.
I am sure if the state government is taken to task on how many private schools that operate in the state, we may get the squeaker of our lives. The implication is it is hard to determine the quality of education each of them offers.
Owing to poor supervision by the Education Ministry, some schools have become centres of examination malpractices and are commonly referred to as “miracle centres”. Parents are always willing to pay any amount to these “centres” to ensure that their children obtain their results at a sitting by hook or crook. Such is the level of degeneracy prevalent in some of these schools.
Indeed, private schools in Rivers State are taking so much for granted because the state Education Ministry is weak and has failed to live up to expectation. For instance, is it not the responsibility of the Ministry to ensure that school calendar is harmonised?
Why are private schools left to run their own calendar in the way they wish? Why has the ministry not done anything about the poor remuneration private school owners pay their staff, particularly when it is understood that there is a nexus between wage and output?
I need to open a school at this point as my friend advised and stop agonising.
By: Arnold Alalibo
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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