Opinion
Tackling Boko Haram From Its Root
Quite distinct from the commonly held belief as beggars, Almajiri was derived from the Arabic word, “Al-Muhajirun” meaning emigrants. It typically refers to a person who devotedly leaves home to other place or to an instructor in the quest for Islamic knowledge. Thus, Almajiri is characteristically, a Qur’anic literacy and system of Islamic education dominantly practised among Muslims in northern Nigeria.
Historically, Almajiri system started in a town named Kanem-Borno, which a majority of its rulers widely engaged in Qur’anic literacy. More than 700 years later, the Sokoto Caliphate was founded by a revolution based on the teachings of the Qur’an. However, Sokoto and Borno Caliphates started running the Almajiri system together.
Then, Almajiri schools were funded by the community, parents, zakah (alms-giving treated in Islam as tax), sadaqah (voluntary offerings) and sometimes through the farm output of the learners. Incidentally, after the British invasion of the northern region in the year 1904, most of the survived Emirs were overthrown; hence they lost control of their territories resulting to the loss of fundamental control of the Almajiri.
Following this development, the British formally introduced Western education and also, overruled state funding of Almajiri schools. With no support from the community, Emirs and government, the Almajiri system collapsed. Consequently, the instructors and learners, having no financial support, resorted to alms begging and menial jobs for survival.
On account that the Almajiri system restricted its scope to Islamic knowledge, most of the Almajiris at the end of the day were left with the option to continue with menial jobs or begging for those that didn’t learn farming due to no qualifications for white-collar jobs in the society. Consequently, it lacked resources and basic amenities.
Eventually, as the drive for Almajiris to accept Western education deepened, it was unfortunately misconstrued as immoral. In Hausa language, ‘Western or non-Islamic education’ is termed ‘Boko’. Hence, the advocated ‘Western education’ was declared ‘Haram’. “Haram” in Arabic term is ‘forbidden’ or ‘proscribed’. In Islamic law, Haram is used to refer to any act that is forbidden by Allah. Acts that are “Haram” are usually prohibited in the Qur’an as incompatible to Muslims’ way of life.
Thus, by the combination of Boko (Western education) and Haram (forbidden), the term ‘Boko Haram’ was birthed meaning ‘forbidden Western education’. Logically, the Almajiris were hoodwinked to see Western education as evil and disrespect to Allah, instead of integrating it to Islamic education. With this mindset, they grew to become hostile, not knowing they were robbed of a thriving future that Western education enveloped.
For instance, the bombs and other lethal weapons being used to resist non-Islamic system were produced through the “forbidden Western education”. The same obtains in the aeroplanes for travelling to Mecca for hajj, and automobiles. And many others. Obviously, northern elites are principally culpable for their atrocities in the society.
The leaders didn’t carry the subjects along but kept them in the dark for unknown reasons. In fact, Gwandu Local Government Area in Kebbi State in particular used to be a no-go area for Western education. Meanwhile, their elites enrolled their biological children into Western education, even some in foreign schools. Thus, as the deprived population lacked skills and qualifications for conventional jobs as full-fledged, resorting to crimes for survival became the available option. Over the years, these elites’ children with Western education recycle amongst themselves all the juicy positions in the system.
At present, the oversights and negligence of the past are gradually getting remedied by concerted efforts of the stakeholders through UNICEF Educate-A-Child (EAC) Programme. Rather than adopting similar approaches in the precolonial era which attempted to utterly abolish Almajiri education, the template is integrating Almajiri to Western education.
By means of the Integrated Qur’anic Schools (IQS), unlike then, literacy, numeracy and science alongside Islamic education are taught. The Almajiris after remedial classes for nine months move to primary four. Hence, Almajiri scholars are no longer restricted to Islamic knowledge but also measure in Western education.
As a partnership, UNICEF contributes by grants to IQS centres for projects based on need-assessments with Centre-Based Management Committee (CBMC), whilst it utilizes Cash Transfer Programme by paying N8,000 per child enrolled in primary schools under the control of the School-Based Management Committee (SBMC).
For example, in Dallatu Hisbul Raheem; an Almajiri school in Kaoje town, Bagudu LGA which is amongst the IQS centre for the EAC programme, the initiative is awake. And the unique upshot is that the Almajiri instructors too enroll for Western education like their pupils. They teach in Almajiri session and submit themselves as adult-learners during Western education session.
Remarkably, a 13-year old Fulani-Almajiri scholar of the IQS, Balikisu Usman, during interaction expressed her aspiration to become a career lady after education. Same is the position of a 12-year old Rabbi Abdullahi, also a Fulani who nurses an ambition to become a lecturer after graduating from an institution of higher learning. Many others similarly, respectively pointed to one thriving career or the other, including becoming lawyers, doctors, pilots, etc.
It suggests the mindsets are receptively, gradually liberated. This has been the pattern in Christendom for centuries. Christian missionary schools are integrated with Western education, hence skilled to flow with scheme of things in the polity. In Catholic Church that is the most conservative amongst Christian denominations, many of their clerics are lawyers, lecturers, doctors and even soldiers. In other words, they sensitively merged their curriculum with Western education.
Thus, as the template gathers momentum, a radical boost is germane. According to UNICEF-EAC State Project Coordinator, Isah Usman, the successes were propelled by sensitization and mentoring of schools, centres and communities by EAC consultants and state partners, and significantly, support of the four Emirs in the state. The traditional rulers’ input is vital. Absolutely, any meaningful exploits in the north demands a robust alliance with the traditional institution due to premium influence on the communities. By these templates, the future is economically and robustly secured.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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