Opinion
Rivers’ Brotherhood Revisited
Excesses are the uncountable number of syndromes in any governmental sector which can render it to ruin. The White men say that “excess of everything is diabolical or bad”. This philosophical statement seems to be directed at Rivers indigenes and their governments from 1967 till date.
Congratulations to the maiden Governor of the state, King Alfred Diete-Spiff, a Bayelsan who set the pace for others to emulate through the policy of rehabilitation, reconstruction and reconciliation. Also, I thank the present Governor of the state, Chief Nyesom Wike, for his wisdom in applying the realistic political philosophy to move the state to its present level.
From here, I am appealing to all our leaders in Rivers State to combine the past history with the present and endeavour to create room for adjustments. Rivers State is the Treasure Base of the Nation, but the indigenes are hardly benefitting from the material and physical wealth of the state. It is manipulated by the non-indigenes due to no cooperation among Rivers people. Even though there are cultural differences among the indigenes, languages and tribal sentiments, such must be controlled as is done in other states of the federation.
Rivers State is used as a ‘scape goat’ and becomes victim of circumstance. When such is not practised by other neighbouring states, then why Rivers State only?
Truly speaking and as recounted, the different sectors of the Rivers economy are controlled by the non-indigenes. For instance, at the Civil Service Secretariat in Port Harcourt, some non indigenes claim to be Ikwerres whose language align with Igbo and continue to occupy paramount positions. Such is not happening in our neighbouring states. Evaluating the data of the working population, only 10% of the citizens are amongst the working class. As a writer, I went to the Schools Board of Imo State in Owerri, and was not granted the privilege to go in, being a Rivers indigene. Understanding them was not easy for me. They used their language power (Igbo) so that I would not understand them. In Rivers State, everything is accessible to strangers and they transact business anywhere without limitation. This has continued in the state for a long time.
Rivers indigenes are now treated as strangers and remain alienated from their natural resources. They are now like slaves in their land, looking beggarly and poverty-stricken. No leader wants to hear the hue and cry his people.
Does it mean that Rivers State should always consider others, while neighbouring states cannot consider Rivers people when it is their turn to recruit? If others fail to consider employing Rivers indigenes,why then should Rivers State do hers differently? The neigbouring states use language and cultural differences to wave off all others, and to abide strictly on recruiting their indigenes. Are Rivers leaders invoked to consider non-indigenes leaving out some of their equally qualified indigenes?
What is happening in Rivers State can be likened to the border impasse between Nigeria and her contiguous West African neighbours. For far too long, Nigeria has acted as a big brother to these neighbours at the expense of her economy. In return, she has benefitted very little (if anything).
Rivers State has always accommodated applications from indigenes of other states in Nigeria during job recruitments and contract awards. This is not to suggest that she lacks sufficient number of her own indigenes who are qualified and willing to undertake such duties. It is understandably in the spirit of brotherhood.
But what treatment do Rivers indigenes get elsewhere? Discrimination, intimidation, nepotism, exploitation and outright robbery. It is extremely difficult to identify any Rivers name in the payroll of any of her neighbouring states. To be sure, a few years ago when some South East States attempted to purge their civil services of non-indigenous workers, Rivers State was hardly affected because no Rivers man or woman got pay- rolled in the said states.
Now, there is news of the recruitment of another set of workers in the Rivers State University (RSU), Port Harcourt, leading to the setting up of RSU Employment Committee by the state governor. The mistake of the past should not repeat itself. Consideration must be given to the indigenes first before we can think of non-indigenes. Also, Rivers leaders in public and private positions of responsibility should begin to reconcile and relate well with each other. There should be no political antagonism amongst the ordinary citizens and the elites.
We must sink our social, political and cultural acrimonies for the purpose of establishing good goals and objectives to fulfill the dreams of the founding fathers of this esteemed state.
Only through this realization can we build a virile state ready to curtail the strangers who sabotage the economic development of our state. I was chanced to witness the off-shore work by a certain indigenous oil firm in early 2003. While there, I discovered that all the key positions were held by non-indigenes, while the mean ones were left for Rivers men. No Rivers indigene was granted full rights like enjoying the benefits of an ideal citizen.
A Rivers man is a stranger in his land, and the time has come to put an end to this unreasonable tolerance. The Rivers elites should have constant meetings at youth and elite levels of our rural and urban communities where proper resolutions can be taken on issues affecting the Rivers economy, pointing out reasonable suggestions and the way forward.
We cannot continue to feel that, due to our multi-cultural and language differences, there is no way out. Rome was not built in a day. A single tree cannot make a forest. Both the Rivers indigenes at home and abroad should have a sober reflection on issues affecting the state of our economy.
Anor is a Port Harcourt-based social analyst.
By: Christian Anor
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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