Opinion
The Rule-Or-Ruin Syndrome
There is a “dog-in-the-manger” or sadistic proclivity in humans, namely: “What you cannot achieve or enjoy, destroy or make it impossible for anyone else to get or enjoy it”. This human weakness manifests in various ways which include the dodging of responsibility, exploration and exploitation of points of lease resistance, letting others think and work for indolent masters, and the use of intimidation, blusters and subterfuge to maintain the position of a macho-man.
In British history, there is what is known as the “War of Jenkin’s Ear” – you go to war if any buccaneer or interloper tries to dislodge your position or undermine your advantage. In Nigeria, a macho-man once said that if existing revenue sharing or allocation formula gets altered, his tribe would go to war. What an intimidation! Poke your nose into census figures which is one criterion for revenue allocation, the one having an audacity to do so would be told that a beer-brewer cannot be a census-figures brewer.
How does the rule-or-ruin syndrome work? It is a politico-military strategy whereby only two political parties exist, namely, “democratic” one (whether one of fifty parties) and the military. The military serves as the guardian-angel of the estate, while “democrats” practice the real politics.
When the estate or system is threatened and the status-quo placed in jeopardy, then the military comes in handy as the safety-valve of the system. If the military party is not invited voluntarily, then the party of macho-men would come in one a “War of Jenkin’s ear”.
You dare not threaten the interests or dinner of powerful interest groups who had been able to design and perfect a system upon which the principles of rule-or-ruin syndrome operate. We have a clear example of what is going on between Nigerian Senators and Professor Itse Sagay or the Inspector-General of Police and a whistle blower, an ex-police officer, who exposed some shady deals with respect to the hiring or deployment of police personnel to oil and gas companies. Is it true or false that each Senator gets a total of about 3 billion naira annually under various systems of a padding game? Is it true or false that the audacious ex-police officer was a “deserter” who forged retirement document?
What is the operational strategy of the rule-or-ruin syndrome? As a sadistic or dog –in-the-manger human propensity, the rule-or-ruin syndrome can be described as a manifestation of envy. One of the principles of the game is: If you cannot “make” it, fake it! To fake what you cannot make or achieve, use clever operators to work for you, and use “macho-men” to protect your interest and safe-guard your estate. Like counterfeit currency or any fake product, the game is usually full of dangers, fears and the ability to sustain the bravado and braggadocio, by force.
If you ask Machiavelli and his Prince, or the author of The Mafia Manager, with the name of V, you would get the “distilled wisdom of the men who have managed one of the largest, most profitable and long-lived cartels in the history of capitalism – the Mafia, La Cosa Nostra, etc” Mafia managers are usually the richest people in the world but they are rarely the most productive or the most patriotic elements in human society. They are also ruthless and would hardly spare anyone who tries to expose them and their activities. Even when they appear in white garments and have the Name of the Almighty on the lips every moment, they would destroy whoever attempts to dethrone them.
They would hate the presence of highly perceptive, articulate and educated people of integrity who cannot be bought and sold. Rather they fish around for intellectual whores and influence mongers or attention-seekers who can run errands for them. Those who fall prey to their antics and who back out from the fraternity when they discover what is “inside” the coven, soon learn that the gun is mightier than the pen. Either you keep quiet thereafter or you get bruised beyond recovery. Upright people would never be allowed to emerge as rulers, and if any does who sets out to expose what is in the cover, then, hell would descend upon such audacious one.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer from Rivers State University.
e-mail:bamirize@yahoo.com.
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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