Opinion
Is Nigeria Truly A Federal State?
There are different forms of government practised all over the world. Some of them include federal, confederal and parliamentary systems to mention just a few. Taking a close look at Nigeria, one is confused on the system of government we are currently practising. Is it federalism or unitary system?
There are so many factors that necessitate people to choose federalism as a form of government. These include landmass, ethnic diversity, language heterogeneity, natural endowments and population.
With due respect to the principle of federalism, Nigeria meets all the above requirements. But the question is, why is Nigeria’s federalism not a success?
Compared to some other countries of the world that practise federalism, which include Brazil, Australia, Germany and United States of America, Nigeria has not recorded a success story in its practice of federalism.
Well, some people say we are operating on a political spectrum of federalism in which we are now at a point aspiring to get to our destination. I totally disagree with them. Federalism is not developmental, it is not like economy, politics or perhaps a living thing. It is not a product of gradual growth. It is a form of government, a system or an ideology.
Federalism, as K. C. Wheare authoritatively puts it, is a situation where the central and constituent units constitutionally “are not subordinate to one another, but coordinate with each other.” Therefore, in a typical federal state, there is no master-servant relationship. Since both the central and constituent units derive their powers to exist or operate directly from the Constitution, no government in such a union arrogates undue powers to itself or act as leader.
However, in Nigeria, the reverse is the case. Nigeria is a federation of an excessively strong central government, accompanied by a ridiculously weak 36 states and 774 local governments. In Nigeria, Abuja calls the shots and dictates the pace for the “servant” to follow.
Furthermore, in a true federal state, the constituent units do not surrender all. They retain some degree of independence economically and politically. This will make the federating units viable and develop at their own pace. In Nigeria, since the central government is the supervisor to other governments, it distributes national resources to others at its own whims and caprices.
Again, the states are over-depended on the Federal Government for their resources, even when some of them contribute nothing to the national treasury. It is heartbreaking that the situation has degenerated to an extent where some states depend on the centre for about 95% of their monthly revenue. The Federal Government had to give bail-out to about 27 states before they could pay their workers.
In truth, the fiscal policy of Nigeria’s federalism does not regard the principle of fairness, equity, justice and obligation. Moreso, federalism is a framework for the coexistence of unity in diversity. It bridges the differences in ethnicity, economy, religion, education and other factors. Sadly, this is not the case in Nigeria. The concept of unity in diversity is a mirage to our federalism. In other federalism, it is “united we stand, divided we fall”. But in Nigeria, it is the other way round, “united we fall, divided we stand”.
Nigeria is the most divided federalism I have ever seen, where regionalism, statism, ethnicity and religious sentiments are exalted at the expense of national interest and consciousness.
True federalism does not over emphasise diversities but strives to identify, accommodate and manage them. Indeed, a state is federal to the extent that it is managing its diversities. A federal formular is therefore geared toward translating diversity into unity. But in Nigeria, we have failed woefully to harness the potentials of our pluralism as a nation.
Another peculiar issue with Nigerian federalism is the inequality of the federating units or states. A true federalism should be predicated upon some degree of equality among the federating states. For example, right from when Nigeria was divided into regions, the northern region is made to feel superior. Any federalism that is predicted on dichotomy of superiority and inferiority or whose factors of inequality is irrationally over-pronounced can not endure.
Though Nigeria meets the necessary conditions to operate as a federal state, the manner with which Nigeria was amalgamated by the British remains questionable. It forms the basis for the argument that “Nigeria is not a nation, but a mere geographical expression”. Consequently, the very foundation on which Nigeria’s federalism is built on is shaky.
In conclusion, the experiment with the Nigerian state and the lip service to federalism must stop. This is because the experiment has made it impossible for Nigeria to harness the political, economic and other numerous benefits attached to federalism.
Benjamin is of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
Samson Benjamin
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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