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Reduction Of Electricity Tariff: How Desirable?

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11 years ago

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The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission last Wednesday announced the immediate reduction of electricity tariff by 50 per cent.
How did Nigerians welcome the news? Of what use will the tariff review be to the citizens? Our Chief Corresponent, Calista Ezeaku sought answers to these questions from some members of the public. Egberi Sampson was the photographer.
Mrs Ilanye Jumbo-
Journalist. Well, the reduction of that tariff, as good as it sounds, how many Nigerians will actually enjoy it. There is one thing in announcing something, but it is another ball game entirely to implement what has been announced.
Take for example the reduction of the fuel pump price. It was reduced to N87.00 per a litre, but as I speak to you now, people still buy fuel at N100,00, N110.00 per a litreand that is if you see it.
So, as good as it sounds, as good as it seems, as good as it is going to help Nigerians, the major thing should be that there should be an implementation body, the people that will ensure that the reduction is actually implemented because it may have been reduced but when you go to pay now, you begin to hear stories, they will begin to tell you one thing or the other.
Now, there are people who use the pay as you go meter, for them it will be easier to know their bills. But for those who don’t have it, what happens? How will the calculation be done? Some people are given estimated bill, how will they generate their bills? Ordinarily, when electricity tariff is reduced a lot of things ought to spring up, a lot business opportunities ought to spring up but my dear, in the case of Nigeria, it is not always the same, it is not as it ought to be. Under normal circumstance, a lot industries ought to spring up, to enjoy from that reduction but I tell you, it may not be the case. We may not even start enjoying it may be in the next one year. It may begin to have effect after one year if every thing works the way it ought to work. to enjoy from it.
So, I will advise the electricity regulatory agency, if they are there, to sit up. They should sit up and ensure that every of that statement is follow up to the later, because at the end of the day, it is the masses that suffer. Under normal circumstance the reduction should help the people save a little money and use it for other purposes. For instance if I was paying N5000,00 before and it is reduced to N2,500.00 that means I am saving N2,500.00, but how constant is the light? If there is no constant power supply, it means I am going to keep buying N1,000.00 worth of fuel everyday as I have been doing for many months now to power my generator.
So, I don’t want to  be a pessimist, but I want to pray and believe that having reduced the tariff, we want to appeal to them to please give us power, but if they will not give us power, they should go back to the old tariff if that will make us have constant power.

Mr Iyaragba Ebinay Media Personnel. I heard the announcement over the radio yesterday and I was happy. If they will implement it I think it will help the poor to be able to pay their electricity bill, I just hope that with the reduction, the power situation in the country will not get worse. I don’t want to believe as some people insinuate that the reduction was done for political reasons. For the federal government to have announced the reduction, that means they have their own inner plan, which I believe will bring about improvement in power supply in the country.

Comrade Dan Otukpo-Civil Servant. Well the cut is quite okay in the sense that the bills that were coming before now were becoming too crazy and without a direction. No direction in the sense that today will get a bill, tomorrow you get something higher than what you expected. The cut also reflects government’s sensitivity to the current hardship being experienced in the country provided it does not have political undertone, provided that not after the elections we begin to see even more increase in the electricity tariff.
If you go by the pay as you go meter, you can actually see that you will save a lot by means of the 50 per cent cut. But if you go by the analog meter where in most cases they bring whatever they feel like by a way of estimation, you may not necessarily see much impact. The cut will tell more on the industries depending on availability of power. It will improve their economy because by giving 50 per cent I think they will be able to have large scale production not minding the price per a unit. It will help our producers, our companies to produce more. The economics of large scale will come into play-power reduction, more scale. It can also give room to the employment of more hands.
For me, the reduction is good. I don’t see it leading to any cut in power because before the reduction I believe there must have been a sort of consultative meeting with the stakeholders.
However, I will advise that government through its institutions and agencies should monitor the reduction to ensure strict compliance otherwise we will still be in Egypt.

Mr Innocent Eze-Businessman. Well, the reduction is what we have been yearning for all these while. We had wanted a situation where government will create enabling environment for business entrepreneurs because the power issue is a serious matter to us. Without power, we cannot actually deliver our services to the public. Without power, we cannot do what we are supposed to do. Also with the high rate of electricity tariff we are constantly struggling to see how we can meet up.
We find it very difficult to meet up because whatever profit we make goes back to paying electricity bills and most of the time they don’t give us power. We buy fuel, we buy diesel to run generators and all these are at a very high rate. And so, it looks as if we are just rigmarolling in what we are doing because what ever little profit we make is used in paying for power, buying diesel and that. If government has seen the need and has come to alleviate our plights by reducing the tariff of electricity, that will be a welcome development.
Let me mention that the problem of the Power Holding Company is corruption. If things are done the way it is supposed to be done, if they receive the genuine electricity bill that people pay and keep the money for government, it will be enough to improve the power situation in the country. But I want to believe that most of those monies they collect are not remitted into government purse.
If you observe, many a times they don’t read meters. They only come and do what they call estimation. If what you are supposed to pay in a month is may be N10,000.00 because they are doing estimation before you know it, it has gone up to about N50,000.00. And I want to believe that they will pay the amount they know you are supposed to pay into government’s account and the rest goes into their pockets.
So the only option to solve this problem and ensure that everybody benefits from the tarriff reduction is through the use of pre-paid meters. Everybody should have it.

Mr Idawari Cookey-Gam- Businessman. The problem is that there is no light already. If there is light they can say they are reducing tariff and people will enjoy it. What you have not seen, how can you enjoy the cut off. So let the light come first and then we can appreciate what the federal government is doing. The issue is that PHCN is not even better for us. Since they took over from NEPA there is no difference. They are worse than NEPA. So for me, the tariff cut makes no sense. It is not what we need now in the country.
Government should try and bring the dollar price down and reduce inflation, that is what we are looking for now.
Loot at what happened to the petroleum sector, government said the pump priced has been reduced to N87.00 but we still buy at N110.00. But people do not mind as long as the product is available, you buy it and go your way. So even if the tariff is raised provided we see light and enjoy it is better than reducing the tariff but nobody sees the light.

Mrs Lucy Bello-Osagie-Businesswoman. There is a particular amount that government say people that are using cut out should be paying every month. By cut out I mean without a meter, people that consume power without meter. They are supposed to pay N3,000.00 every month but now they pay N15,000.00, N20,000.00 every month. Even those of us that use meter are not better. Sometimes the bill you are given if different from the actual amount you are supposed to pay. If you are paying N7,000.00 and next month, you are asked to pay N25,000.00 for the same points will you like it? They just give us bills arbitrarily and it is not good. So government should really look into the Power Holding Company and those working there. A lot of corrupt practices are going on there. You will see that some NEPA officials will come to record the bill, somebody’s meter is reading something and what they are recording is different. If the person’s meter is reading N8,000 they will record N15,000 and when you go to their office they will post you from one table to another.
I don’t even have power in my house now. Look at my cooler, I have been using ice-block for my business for over a year. I don’t have light for over a year and they are billing me over N200.00, from where? So the tariff reduction is a good thing but it cannot impact on the lives of the masses unless corruption in PHCN is tackled.

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Opinion

Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising

Published

4 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.

Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.

The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.

It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.

Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.

On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.

It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.

*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.

In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.

Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.

One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.

Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.

The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.

The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.

Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.

The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.

The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.

Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.

If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?

As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.

Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.

Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.

Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.

We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.

The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.

It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.

No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.

By; King Onunwor

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Opinion

Ndifon’s  Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

3 weeks ago

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November 24, 2025

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Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”
The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.
Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.
This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.
Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.
Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.
Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

3 weeks ago

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November 24, 2025

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Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”
In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.
According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?
Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.
President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.
While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.
 Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.
Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.
It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.
By: Joseph Nwankwor
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