There  is no agreeable
‘definition of electoral violence. This is because of the contentious issue of “violence begets violence” developed by Frantz Fanon in the era of anti-colonial struggles. The Fanonian argument is predicated on the fact that ‘violence provokes violence’. So those who retaliate to the first violence of political  opponent do not agree that they are perpetrating violence. They sirnply argue that they are countering violence.
From the array of definitions available, one can glean an operational definition. Operationally, electoral violence connotes all forms of violence (physical, psychological, administrative, legal and structural) at different stages engaged in by particiipants, their supporters and sympathizers (including security and election management body staff) in the electoral process. These forms of violence take place before elections, during elections and after or post-election, and could also be intra- or inter-party.
Since Nigeria became independent on October 1st 1960, the history of election has been written in violence. The Human Rights Watch (2007) in its follow up of post-independence events in Nigeria describes the nation’s post-independence history as being overshadowed by the depredations of a series of corrupt, abusive, and unaccountable governments. This description is apt because it appears that Nigerians seem to have acquired a culture of electoral violence as seven of the eight general elections conducted since independence in 1960 have been violence-ridden -1964/1965,1979,1983,1999,2003,  2007 and 2011.
For example, at independence, the country adopted a parliamentary system of government akin to the British type. The first post-independence election organized by that government led by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa\President Nnamdi Azikiwe in 1964 and 1965 were characterized by widespread complaints of fraud, violence and intimidation. Protests in the wake of the regional elections, which in some areas degenerated into a violent exercise in competitive rigging, led to widespread violence and inter-communal rioting that claimed more than 200 lives.
Later in January 1966, the military struck and the fledging Nigerian democracy was thwarted by the action of its very own practitioners. From 1966, the military held sway until 1979 when they handed over to another civilian government headed by Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The Shagari-Ied government organized a civilian to civilian transition election but again like its First Republic counterparts, repeated history and massively rigged the 1983 general elections through very violent means in connivance with the election management body, Federal Election Commission (FEDECO) and security forces. That again set the stage for the second wave of military intervention in the nation’s politics on December 31, 1983. The military from then remained in power until  May 29, 1999 after, several attempts to democratize.
Suffice it to  say that between independence in 1960     and 1999 when civilian rule was restored, Nigeria     produced only two elected governments and both were overthrown in military coup de’tats before completing a second term in office.  In all, Nigeria’s military ruled the country for nearly 30 of its first 40 years of independence, excluding the three months of short-lived Interim National Government (ING)
Since the restoration of civil rule, attempts have not been made by politicians to deepen and strengthen democracy. Instead, Nigeria has only added to its history  fraudulent and violent elections. The 1999, 2003 and 2007 general elections that brought President Olusegun Obasanjo and later late President Umaru Yar’ Adua to power were marred by such widespread violence and fraud.
For example, the US-based Jimmy Carter Centre for Democracy which monitored the 1999 election as an international observer concluded its report on the outcome of the presidential election like the others before it  thus: “It is not possible for us to make an accurate judgment about the outcome of the presidential election”. In the same vein, the  2003 elections were more pervasively and openly  rigged than the flawed 1999 polls, and  far more bloody.
These events set the stage for the 2007 elections which both domestic and foreign observers succinctly described as the worst in Nigeria’s history ranking among the worst conducted anywhere in the world in recent times. For instance, the US-based National Democratic Institute (NDI) stated in its post-election statement that the electoral process “failed the Nigerian people”.
The Human Rights Watch (2007) which monitored the  election in its report said the Nigeria’s failed April 2007 polls cast a harsh and very public light on patterns of violence, corruption and outright criminality that have come to characterize Nigeria’s political system-and on the extent to which officials and institutions at all levels of government accept, encourage and participate in those abuses. The 2007 and 2011 general elections had come and gone with some cases still in courts, Nigerians .are afraid of future elections especially the 2015 elections that is a stone throw away.
There are plethora of reasons that account for the causes of electoral violence.
These include rigging, ineffectiveness of security forces and culture of impunity, partisan disposition of the security forces detailed to monitor elections, weak penalties against defaulters and poor handling of election petitions, among others.
It is true that electoral violence has characterized our political elections since independence. This trend can be reversed only if we can change our mindsets on what politics and governance is all about. Politics should not be conceived as the most lucrative industry in Nigeria. It is this mindset that makes aspirant or political office seekers to exhaust “all means” in capturing  the position. It should be seen as a service to humanity and protecting the lives and the welfare  of our  prosperity.
Governance should be transparent at all levels. Electoral rules should be enforced. Political positions should be made unattractive by downward review of their take-home salary/allowances. Within our constituencies, we should be our brothers’ keeper. Electoral officials should devoid themselves of corrupt practices, while law enforcement agents should remain neutral. Politicians found parading thugs should be disqualified from the race. Violence free election is achievable in 2015
Being an excerpt of a public lecture delivered at the sensitisation/awareness campaign by the Rundele Peoples Assembly in Port Harcourt, recently.

President Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari

Ben Thom-Otuya