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Judgement On FRSC’s New Number Plate: In Whose Interest?

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A Federal High Court in Lagos, Wednesday held that the on-going exercise by the Federal Road Safety Commission, FRSC, to replace the old number plate with a new one is illegal and unconstitutional because there is no law empowering it to carry out the exercise.
The court declared that FRSC had no legal authority to impose new number plates on motorists in the country.
What does this judgement mean to people in Port Harcourt? Our chief correspondent, Calista Ezeaku and Photographer, Dele Obinna went round the city to find out.
Excerpt:

Ms Enale Kodu (Ph.D) Journalist:
If they say it was unconstitutional for FRSC to impose new number plates on motorists, what of the people who have already been embarrassed and harassed by Road Safety over this issue and the money involved in the change to the new number plates? It is really unfair that at this point the judgement is given. Why didn’t they give that judgement before FRSC implemented the new number plate idea and started harassing people? What I’m saying is that the concerned citizen that took the matter to court should have done that before people were put through the stress of changing their number plates.
So I think that since they have started issuing new number plates, they should continue it because many people have already spent their money, obtaining the new number plates, except their money would be refunded. If they want to cancel it, court should compel FRSC to find a way of refunding all that have already spent their money on the new number plates.
Many people objected to the idea when it was introduced but FRSC went ahead to implement it. I know how many times the matter came up in House of Representatives but FRSC did not bulge, the same thing they are doing with the new driver’s license may tomorrow take the drivers license issue to court and they will feel it is unconstitutional also.
So if the court has given that judgement on number plates they should do the same on driver’s license so that we will know what our stand is now. Why can’t FRSC be sure of the constitutionality of their ideas before forcing people to comply with them. And when they started they enforce it so much that you are pushed even if you have to beg, borrow or steal just to ensure that they don’t harass you on the road and it is really unfair.
So if they are stopping the issuance of the new number plates, they should equally stop the new driver’s license because people are suffering, going to internal revenue just to change their driver’s license. They should stop everything and refund people their money. I don’t understand the essence of the new number plate. It’s just a change of material, that’s all I know. One artists comes up with one funny thing. Even our old number plate was more Nigerian than this new one that they have to draw Nigerian Map. We are proud of our country but the old number plate really showed the Nigerian flag very properly and people understood it. And I know internationally that is what other countries used. So what more do they want? Why should they put the whole map there, making it very funny.

Mrs Joy Grant-Amadi – Journalist:
The judgement is a good step in the right direction because people have been complaining and suffering over this issue. I wonder how people will spend a whole sum of N35,000 just to get a new number plate. We were told the new number plate was introduced as a way of checking crime and as a source of date base and all that, but in spite of all that people’s cars are still being stolen and all that. In fact, we have not gotten the impact of the new number plate. But I want to tell you that I’m very happy because I have not changed mine and I’m really happy for the person that took the matter up in court and I pray that he court’s decision will stand.
I personally do not see the need for the change of number plates. It’s just a way of extorting money from ordinary Nigerians and the people that have paid for the new number plates should cry out. They need to get back their money. Let them compensate them in one way or the other.
FRSC should abandoned the new number plate exercise because there are a lot of people that have not bought it. Not everybody can afford it. A lot of people, even taxi drivers have packed their cars because of the issue of new number plate and new driver’s license to avoid being harassed and abused by FRSC, police and other road traffic agents.
Everyone can’t afford the huge sum of money required to get them.

Mr Bright Amaehwule – Civil Servant:
The Federal High Court is in the right direction. The Federal Road Safety Commission has no right to impose new number plates because they were the ones that issued the old one, which people paid for. So it is not every time that they come up with ideas of how to make money that they force them on the people. So the Federal High Court is in the right direction and we the public are very happy with the judgement. And FRSC should refund all those that have bought the new number plates because we are in one Nigeria and we have one constitution which disallows the use of the old number plate.
Whatever FRSC wants to achieve with the new number plate can also be achieved with the old one. If you call for car owners to bring their vehicles and the numbers, the data are installed, they can be tracked. The same numbers they previously issued can be tracked instead of issuing new ones. In fact there are no difference between the old numbers and the new numbers.

Sokaribo West (Esq) – Lawyer:
For me that judgement is a welcome idea. Kudos to the judiciary for that judgement because there are a lot of people today who do not understand why the Road Safety Commission should impose new number plate on people when there are existing plate number. In fact, even the amount of money required to obtain the new number plate is just too exorbitant. You are changing the number plate to a new one and at the same time you said we should also change the driver’s license to a new one. How many people have money to do that?
So, I think the judgement is okay. Not everybody will go to court to challenge these ideas from FRSC but the people who went to court for it have gotten judgement. Even though Road Safety will appeal, the y will still fail eventually.
FRSC does not really have the right to impose new number plates on the people. I think last year this same issue of the new number plate went to the National Assembly and some well-meaning people  kicked against it. They even told them to go back and review the amount they were imposing on the new number plates. The amount is just too high. For me now, I understand I have to pay about N40,000 for a new number plate and at the same time pay for a new driver’s license. So, I think it is unconstitutional. The constitution does not give them power to do that.
I was even of the opinion that if I have an existing number plate, why should I pay that much for a new one, except I’m registering a new vehicle all together then you can now tell me that you have reviewed the fees for number plates. It is now so, so, so percentage. But when I had already spent so much before now to put the number plate I’m using and you are asking me to come and pay triple of that amount because you are now giving me a number plate with flower on it. So what is the essence. It is unconstitutional.
Even the time frame given to car owners to change to the new number plates is another thing. There are a lot of people who are complaining that some Road Safety officials are even collecting bribe from persons in order to give them the new number plates. Apart from that, some persons even paid for this new number plate since last year and up till now, they have not gotten it so there will be a lot of discrepancies in this issue. And you know Nigerians, they use the eleventh hour to make money. So I feel if the national assembly has given a go ahead to the new number plates, FRSC should review the amount of money involved. Secondly, this thing should be done over a period of time not just this fire brigade approach to it.

Chief Bethel Dappa – Chairman, NURTW, Abali Park:
We are happy about the judgement. How can they tell you to come and buy something which you have bought before. So we thank the judge. This type of thing should continue. Government should stop cheating people because I already have number plate and you are telling me to come and buy another one for N35,000, N40,000, that is one of the best I have heard so far. And I know that the whole idea of changing number plate would not be realistic because if you go to the northern part of the country, nobody is buying it. It is only in the East here that people are buying. In the North and West, people are not buying it. And the imposition of the new number plate is a big burden to commercial drivers. None of the vehicles we use for our business is a new one. They are all Tokunbo vehicles that have been used for up to ten years. Everyday the vehicle is at the mechanic workshop. No commercial car owner can save up to N20,000 in a month and now they are forcing us to pay N35,000 for a new number plate.
There is no need for new number plates. It is a wrong idea. You tell somebody to buy a number plate and after that, you force him to buy another one. Number plates do not expire like vehicle particulars. Now there is new driver’s license too and to obtain it you pay up to N15,000. They don’t ask whether the drivers feed or not or whether their businesses are moving or not. They come up with these ideas to make life difficult for people. There is no job in this country. Everybody in this country, including graduates are suffering. I have two sons, two daughters that have graduated from tertiary institutions, no job for them. All of them are at home worrying me.

Mr Donatus Mpune – Public Service:
If the constitution did not give Road Safety the power to impose new number plates on the people, I think I support what the judge has done. You see, there is nothing wrong with the idea of having new number plates except that they shouldn’t have need extra cost to owners of vehicles. When the idea of a new plate number was muted by FRSC, they told us that they were adding more information to the new number plate, which would serve as a data base to any other government organ or interested persons. That aspect, I support. But I’m not in support of extra financial cost of acquiring these new number plates on vehicle owners.

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Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

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Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”
Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.
Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.
The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.
One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.
In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.
Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.
Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.
Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.
Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.
The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.
On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.
In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.
IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.
By:  Ivara Favour Isaac
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Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

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Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”
In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.
They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.
 However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.
History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.
 For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”
 Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it.  Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough
. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Bazia  EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

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Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”
The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.
Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’  welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.
Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.
 Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.
While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.
Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.
For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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