Opinion

Delay In Implementation of UNEP Report, In Whose Interest?

Published

13 years ago

August 13, 2012

One year after the United Nations Environmental programme
(UNEP), submitted assessment report on Ogoniland, the Federal government is yet
to act on the recommendations of the report which include clean up and
remediation of the area. Our Correspondent, Calista Ezeaku went to town to
sample views on the delayed implementation of the report. Nwuieh Donatus Ken
captured their facial expressions.

Chief Gilbert Warinee – Community Leader

I come from an oil bearing community where we have
precisely, over sixteen oil wells. And the UNEP report was one of the reports
Ogoni people had in the history of the operation of Shell oil company in Ogoni
land. And the entire Ogoni people are not happy over the delay in
implementating that report because it was one of the best scientific reports we
have ever had. And we feel that if that report is implemented, it will do a lot
to benefit the entire Ogoni people. We feel that if that report is implemented,
it will tackle some of the problems we have in Ogoniland.

We are still dialoguing, pleading with government to act on
the report. But at the end of the day, we will not have any other option than
to seek redress because it was one of the best reports we feel that was done to
Ogoni people. So for now, we are still dialoguing and consulting because we,
the Ogoni people are peaceful, we don’t make problems. So we are still pleading
with government to implement that report.

We do not want government to set up any other committee to
look into that report because that report is of international standard, and so
we expect government to come and implement it.

The state government should join the Ogoni people to plead
with the federal government to implement the report. Ogoni belongs to Rivers
State and Rivers State should prevail on the federal government to implement.

I was a member of that UNEP Board. To the best of my
knowledge, I was the focal person in Ogoni land that represented the entire
Khana local government Area. I was a member of the UNEP Consultation Committee.
So I know much about that report, how it started and how it ended and even when
it was submitted. So since after that investigation, we are not happy because
the whole area is polluted, we don’t even have drinking water. And by the
report we had, Ogoni people have lost lives, because the whole area was devastated,
the whole area was polluted. We had expected that by now, even as common as
potable drinking water would have been provided by government. But we are still
drinking the water that make people lose their lives.

So we are not happy. We want government to immediately
implement that report, Shell had always said that all that happened in Ogoni
land was sabotage but by the report, we have seen that Shell was instrumental
to all the pollution, all the devastation we have in Ogoni land, because for
donkey years Shell has been operating in the area and has not done anything to
alleviate the sufferings of the people. And so, both Shell and the federal
government should come together and implement that report.

Alhaji Umaru Sornda Ewunee, an artist

On the issue of that UNEP report, we can see that the
Federal government is delaying, Shell is delaying. They know the lives of the
Ogonis are at stake here. All our environment, our sources of existence have
been devastated by the pollution and for them not to come and clean up the
area, it then means they don’t regard us. This was what Ken Saro Wiwa was
talking about before he was killed. And the continued delay of this clean up is
really affecting us. We really want them to come and clean up the area because
it is affecting us. For example, in my community, Kpean in Khana LGA, which is
one of the oil producing areas, this thing has been happening.

The first time it happened in 1975, it was like that, since
then the whole community has been suffering from pollution. Our source of
drinking water is polluted because of oil exploration. In 2006, there was
another explosion and it was burning for about six months. For about six
months, the fire was raging and it damaged the environment. So we don’t see why
they should not come and clean up the whole place.

The truth there is that the Ogoni people are going to come
out in protest if they don’t come up with any remedial measure. I believe this
second time we will come out, it will be the end of every thing with the
Federal government. Our first coming out was on January 4, 1993 when the whole
Ogonis came out and protested against the environmental problems caused by
Shell in the area. So if we come out this second time, it is going to be very
serious.

We heard the state government has been sending drinking
water to the people, particularly the Eleme people in tanks. That is
appreciated but for how long can that continue? How can we continue like that?
The best thing they should do is to come and clean up the place to give us good
source of drinking water. Our streams where we used to get drinking water from
are polluted. We don’t have any source of drinking water in my community, the
so-called bore holes sunk by Shell are not working. All that you see there are
just empty over head water tanks. Because of the devastation of the area,
erosion has set in and the whole place is contaminated, including oil spillage
and the rest of them.

So they should come and clean up the place so that we can
start to enjoy normal life again.

Mr. Benedict Tambari – Environmentalist/Politician

The federal government is merely playing politics with the
UNEP report. If not, why should the Federal government come up with another
thing they called Hydro carbon Pollution Restoration Project (HYPREP) instead
of implementation of the report that was submitted one year ago.

It clearly shows lack of sincerity on the part of the
federal government. The way the government reacts to environmental issues in
the Niger Delta, particularly in Ogoniland is condemnable.

Why should government be going the way they are going on an
issue that concerns the lives of the people. These are people that depend on
the soil and the rivers for their livelihood. Today, all that have been
polluted as a result of oil exploration that has been going on here for years,
both the federal government and the oil companies are finding it difficult to
compensate the people whose means of livelihood has been damaged and who are
exposed to all kinds of sickness due to the poor environment they dwell in.

Now, let me remind government that the youth restiveness in
the Niger Delta started because of the government’s total neglect on the
region.

You cannot oppress the people and mete out injustice on them
and expect them to keep quiet. I pray government should not push the Ogonis too
far. We are bonafide citizens of this country and should be treated as such.

Eucharia Somiari – Pepple, Lawyer

The United nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), does not
have to come to this place to tell us what and what not to do. Ordinarily, it
is clear, we know what to do. Clean up has to be done.

We should have carried out our own investigation on
Ogoniland to know the depth of damage that has been done. We should have done
that not to get people from abroad to do that and in reparation they would have
scooped the land, and remove all that affected area and use other fresh soil to
replace the damaged soil. The particular company that owns that field should
have done that.

The beneficiaries of that field, should have done the
reparation to know the extent of damage. That is their responsibility.

The compensation is not only in cash. What is compensation?
Compensation is bringing back a person to the position the person was before
the damaging incident took place . So, how was the soil before that incident
took place? You have to bring back that soil to what it used to be before that
incident.

The legal implication of the delay in the implementation of
that UNEP report is that they have not done anything.

They were supposed to do something before UNEP came. UNEP
has come and made some pronouncements and written to them, they are not still
taking a decision, the Ogonis should seek redress. And how will they seek the
redress? They need to seek redress with the court, with the UNEP report. And if
they have independent people, specialists that have tested the soil and made
their reports, they should join their report with the UNEP report and seek
redress.

So, I think the Federal government should set up a panel to
look into that UNEP report and take a decision concerning it. They have to
really look into that report because the people are still the way they are, and
they are Nigerians, irrespective of where they come from. So, it is very
important they look into that report.

Mrs Lilian Okonkwo, a journalist

I’m sorry to say this, but I see the delay in implementation
of the UNEP report as something usual. It is the Nigerian style. Of course, we
know that the period a report is approved and the period of implementation
could be two years, three years. And so, this is not a different case. It is
our style.

But having said that, I think it’s unfortunate, because the
Ogoni issue is an issue that needs urgent attention, talking about cleaning up
the place because the people are suffering. You will hear there is no water for
drinking. The place is polluted. And so, I think that this issue should not go
the way other issues go in Nigeria, because we know that the Ogoni case is
supposed to be a special case. It is one of the major issues that have caused
problems in Niger Delta. So if an international body has looked at the
situation there and said certain things should be done, those recommended steps
should be taken. It should not go the Nigerian way. There should be an
improvement from this Nigerian factor. The recommendation should be carried out
without delay.

The state government and the Niger Delta Development
Commission (NDDC), should work towards the fast implementation of the report
because it will enhance the living standard of the people. If there are ways
the state government can ameliorate the sufferings of the affected communities
by establishing one or two things for them, it will be highly welcomed.

Mr. Godspower Nwoke, teacher.

Sometimes it really bothers me the way things are going on
in this country. God in his own wisdom deposited the oil in the Niger Delta,
but instead of the people of the Niger Delta benefitting from the oil, we are
being exposed to all kinds of diseases as a result of the oil exploration while
the resources are used and squandered by those in power and as well as used to
develop other parts of the country.

When the UNEP report was submitted last year, we saw it as a
good thing coming to Ogoni land. We were even hoping that the scientific report
done in Ogoni will be extended to other communities in the Niger Delta whose
farm lands, water and the entire environment have been damaged because of oil
actitivites going on there.

And for federal government to sit on the report for over one
year now, is rather very unfortunate.

Opinion

Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising

Published

15 hours ago

December 8, 2025

The Tide

The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.

Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.

The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.

It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.

Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.

On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.

It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.

*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.

In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.

Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.

One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.

Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.

The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.

The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.

Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.

The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.

The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.

Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.

If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?

As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.

Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.

Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.

Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.

We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.

The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.

It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.

No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.

By; King Onunwor

Opinion

Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

2 weeks ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”

The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.

Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.

This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.

Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.

Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.

Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

2 weeks ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.

According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?

Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.

President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.

While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.

Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.

Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.

It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.

By: Joseph Nwankwor