Opinion

Should EFCC, ICPC Be Scrapped?

Published

14 years ago

April 23, 2012

Following the debate generated by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC), and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) whose efforts at tackling the scourge of corruption in the country have remained below expectation, some Nigerians have called for the scrapping of the two anti-corruption agencies which they argue are performing the traditional duties of the police.

However, they feel that the police as a crime-fighting institution has not fared any better.

Here are some of the views expessed by Nigerians on the issue. Mrs Lora Braisewell – Geogolist

The police should be scrapped instead of the EFCC and ICPC. The police are not functioning. The EFCC and ICPC function better than the police, for me, they do better work. They are created for specific functions which they have been carrying out.

What the EFCC needs is more backing from the Federal Government. I don’t think they have enough support from the Federal Government at the moment. With enough backing from the federal government, I think EFCC will do better. When Ribadu was the head of the EFCC, he performed very well in tackling financial crimes in the country. I believe there are still a few good men in Nigeria, who can be co-opted into the EFCC to function better.

Mr Emmanuel Somiari- Media Worker.

My own opinion is that instead of scrapping EFCC, ICPC and FRSC, the police should be scrapped. The EFCC is performing better than the police. Agreed, some members of the EFCC are policemen but they’re doing a better job.

With the appointment of the current EFCC chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde, some bad eggs have been flushed out of EFCC and the commission is doing better. A lot of things went wrong during Farida’s administration which are now being corrected. What the chairman needs to do now is to pick credible people whom he trusts, to work with him.

I also think ICPC and EFCC should work hand-in-hand to curtail fraud and move this country forward.

Barrister (Mrs) Nkechi Bright – lawyer

From the on set I was never in support of the EFCC because with all their findings, nothing came to an end. You only hear that EFCC discovered this or that but you don’t see anybody suffering for the offence that he/she committed. So I think I’m in support of the scrapping of EFCC.

All Nigerians hear is that EFCC discovered that this person looted a certain amount of money and all that and the matter is in court. But we don’t see these people being prosecuted and being sent to jail which is the ultimate for such offences.

ICPC and EFCC are doing almost the same work and it still boils down to the same thing. The end result is what Nigerians are looking out for. We want to see people that commit offences go to jail and pay for their offences. If you are a commission set up by law like they are and you see that you achieve no result from what you have been asked to do, don’t you do anything about it? You just keep quiet? So I think all parties are to be blamed here, the commissions and even the judiciary (for the endless prosecutions).

In the case of FRSC, I think they deviated from what they were set up to do, they are now interested in changing plate numbers and all that, doing the work of a traffic man, instead of ensuring safety on our roads.

But in their own case, they should be channelled properly. EFCC and ICPC should be scrapped because the Federal Government is just putting in funds there and we are not seeing any result. The desired aim why those commissions were set up, we are not seeing it because corruption is still the same thing in Nigeria. Nothing has changed.

Mr. Anthony Ugowe, a lawyer/businessman What I think is that EFCC and ICPC should be merged, not necessarily scrapped because I think the police will do a very shoddy job in tackling corruption. But EFCC, so far, even if they are not perfect, they’re doing a good job. But ICPC is living under the shadow of EFCC. They do almost the same thing and ICPC has not been performing so far. So I think ICPC should be merged with EFCC.

For the FRSC, I think they should be merged with the police. I think FRSC is a drain on our resources because they do basically what the police does as regards traffic and everything. Apart from that, looking at their number, they are just like a handful compared to the police that are everywhere.

When you have law enforcement officers everywhere, people behave themselves. So, I think they should be merged with the police.

Coming back to EFCC, I think compared to the police, EFCC has some level of discipline, some staff of the commission are drawn from the police and they still have civilians which create a proper balance in the equation. There’s a sort of check and balance.

So they should either scrap the ICPC or merge them with EFCC, then, FRSC should be merged with police. They should be a special arm of the police. For instance, right now, the traffic wardens (yellow fever) are completely useless. What they do is just to control traffic. But they should be holding the position of the road safety commission. That’s what I think.

Mr. Jackson Monday Sariguma, CDC Chairman. I disagree with the idea of scrapping EFCC because the work of the police is different from that of EFCC. EFCC is tackling financial corruption but the police is tackling general crime. With the level of corruption in the police, I don’t think the police will be able to handle politicians today who are busy looting our treasury.

Merging police with FRSC is also wrong because police cannot do the work effectively. You see policemen on the road instead of them taking care of the problems on the road, you see them collecting N20, N50 from drivers. So they should allow FRSC to be there so that they can manage the road. The day I was going to my village and there was an accident on the road, if not for FRSC officials, many people would have died there. But policemen were there who couldn’t do any thing to help the accident victims.

So I will suggest, let all the commissions remain. Rather, the police be reformed so that the police can be reliable. Nigeria’s income is enough to maintain those agencies. The only thing is that they have to put reliable persons there and they will do their job effectively. So let the status quo remain but government should finance them, maintain them, reform them, send them abroad for training and I believe they will carry out their duties, and Nigeria will be in peace.

Mr. Ifeanyi Onyebe- businessman.

What I want to say is that when the ICPC was created, they were given a mandate which they are not carrying out. They are only focusing on the financial aspect of it. That is why today you hear them talking of EFCC taking over their job.

One of the objectives is to educate Nigerians in order to correct the way corruption has eaten up the whole system. Up till date, ICPC is not educating or enlightening the public. They are supposed to take the campaign against corruption to schools, talk to the students so that when they graduate they are not going to involve themselves in corrupt practices. But today, they are not doing so. They want to investigate those that have committed one or two financial crimes. Yes, in that aspect, the job of the EFCC and ICPC are overlapping. And I’m suggesting that if ICPC does not want to go into educating, enlightening the public on the dangers of corruption, if they want to focus on fighting financial crimes only, ICPC should be scrapped or be emerged with the EFCC.

Then, EFCC on its own side, needs to live up to our expectation. Every time we will be hearing 40 count charges, 50 count charges, yet none of those offenders had been made to pay for the offences committed. None of them has refunded the money stolen. So I want EFCC to sit up and work for Nigerians and not for the government because as it stands now, it seems they are working for the government, those that appointed them.

Again, merging the police and FRSC will bring about a total collapse in the system as far as traffic is concerned. If you see the way people drive on the highways, on our roads, you will agree with me that if you decide to merge the police and FRSC, every thing will just fall apart. The police should be solely in charge of security while FRSC should go on and educate Nigerians on how to drive. Let us know the signs, let us know what and what we need to do. Let us know the danger of carrying over load, because many people have gone and many are still dying.

The traffic department of the police is not effective. You only see then where they are doing what traffic light is supposed to do, but you can’t see them on the highways doing what they are supposed to do.

Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

3 days ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”

Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.

Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.

The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.

One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.

In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.

Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.

Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.

Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.

Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.

The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.

On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.

In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.

IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.

By: Ivara Favour Isaac

Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

3 days ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”

In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.

They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.

However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.

History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.

For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”

Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it. Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough

. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Bazia EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

2 weeks ago

March 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”

The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’ welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.

Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.

Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.

While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.

Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.

For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.

By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi